Local Media in Poland - Workshop and Ethics

1. In Accordance with Ethics

Every day, journalists face the dilemma of whether to report on something or to omit it. Such dilemmas most often befall journalists dealing with crime topics. Questions about where information ends and violation of privacy begins are among the most frequently discussed issues in today’s media. In Wałbrzych, all media adhere to an unwritten, but long-observed rule that no information about suicides is made public. Journalists have collectively decided that this is a topic that should not be addressed. The same applies to false bomb threats. At the request of the county police chief, Leszek Marzec, Wałbrzych media do not report on phone calls to schools warning of a bomb being planted in the building. Instances of breaking this rule are very rare.

The problem arises when a publisher or the editor-in-chief personally demands material on a given topic. How should one deal with their own sense of ethics in such cases? Many journalists cannot bring themselves to enter a hospital room full of victims of a traffic accident; what to say about conducting an interview with a mother whose son jumped out of a tenth-floor window just hours earlier? Moral dilemmas are an inseparable part of every journalist`s work. "A hyena is not effective," says Marek Wróbel, a public relations specialist. [1]

Authors who are too aggressive will at some point cross a thin line and lose the trust of their audience. The pursuit of sensationalism may boost sales in the short term, but the reader will eventually experience a tragedy themselves and will lose respect for journalists who intrude into their lives in such dramatic situations. Hence, there is also an unwritten rule, even among the most sensationalist-oriented editorial offices, of not publishing photographs of deceased accident victims. Although some nationwide media, such as "Super Express," do this, similar cases in local media are extremely rare. Probably because the author of the text and the photo would be shunned by their peers and would lose all respect.

Such a case occurred in Kłodzko in July 1997. After the "Millennium Flood," the local edition of "Gazeta Wrocławska" published a photograph of firefighters retrieving the body of a young man who failed to escape the flood. Other editorial offices, whose reporters were also on the scene, decided not to publish the images. The actions of the "Gazeta" photographer were met with widespread outrage. Journalists did not spare criticism for the author of the photograph. As a result, he could not count on journalistic solidarity and support from his colleagues. He decided to leave Kłodzko and now works at Radio Opole, where he is more cautious about the form of his reporting.

A similar situation occurred in Szczecin. Journalists from the local branch of Polish Television reported live on the operation of retrieving a man’s body from a lake near Szczecin. This fact had little to do with ethics. Moreover, it later turned out that these were images from an ongoing on-site investigation a year after the incident. However, this information was absent from the television report.

Not only such extreme cases raise ethical dilemmas. One equally frequent question is about the proverbial kicking a man when he is down. The aforementioned Marek Wróbel advises against such behavior. According to him, the memory of an event lasts as long as the media continue to report on it. After a few months, practically no one remembers the details of a scandal, but unethical behavior by journalists is remembered much longer.

Ethical considerations should also include the use of information that ridicules the subjects of press reports. Journalists from "Tygodnik Tucholski" recount an incident that occurred during a session of the Tuchola Municipal Council. At one point, one of the council members stood up and announced that they should conclude the session because he needed to bring his cows in from pasture. When the council chairman pointed out that this behavior was unseemly, the offended councilman left.

This incident did not appear in the report by "Tygodnik." Sławomir Maciej Grzmiel, the publisher of "Tygodnik Tucholski," explains why: "It should not be a secret that the head of the commune had vocational education, having obtained a high school diploma. Meanwhile, the remark from the farmer-councilman, while indicative of his lack of refinement, would, in our opinion, have ridiculed a simple person." However, the editorial office had no qualms about quoting the words of a member of the Tuchola board, who during the session repeatedly asked for... a re-vote (he probably meant a re-examination of the vote). The magazine was reprimanded by the mayor, and some council members stopped bowing to the journalists.

Also at odds with ethics are those media that, under the guise of objectivity, engage in political activities. The situation in the Lublin branch of TVP starkly illustrates how easy it is to establish such connections in small communities. Jeremi Karwowski and Krzysztof Komorski, representatives of the management of the station, actively participated in the presidential campaign of 2000. In support of Aleksander Kwaśniewski, they went so far as to join the honorary election committee of the future president, despite holding managerial positions in a public, thus theoretically apolitical television station. The TVP Ethics Committee reprimanded both with written warnings, and Karwowski, who held the position of director of the station, was dismissed.

The political tempest also reached Łódź. In October 2000, the supervisory board of Radio Łódź dismissed long-time president Andrzej Berut. He was replaced by SLD politician Krzysztof Jędrzejczak. This open attempt to politicize the public broadcaster led to a collective dispute from all trade unions with the new management of the radio station. The Minister of Labor had to intervene, appointing a mediator to resolve the conflict within the station.

In ethical terms, one should consider a strange incident that occurred in 1995. "Dziennik Bałtycki" published an article by Roman Warszawski titled "The Truth and Legend of Polish Anti-Semitism." This was a correspondence from the United States. Warszawski described his meetings and conversations with the director of the Holocaust Museum in Washington, David Berenbaum, and professor David Wyman. He frequently quoted his interlocutors. Meanwhile, three months after the article was published, a letter from the outraged Michael (not David) Berenbaum arrived at the editorial office of "Dziennik Bałtycki."

The museum director wrote that he had never met or spoken with Roman Warszawski. Professor Wyman claimed the same. The photographs Warszawski used to illustrate his material turned out not to be images of the Holocaust Museum in Washington, but rather from the Yad Vashem Institute in Jerusalem. The editorial office had to publicly apologize to both scholars. The author of the text then admitted that he indeed had not spoken with Wyman and had derived the professor’s opinions from a book authored by him.

This same journalist had a scandal a few years earlier. Not only did he violate professional ethics, but he also broke the law. In an interview published in "Przegląd," he simply copied the interview of "Wprost" journalist Katarzyna Nazarewicz with Professor Zdzisław Bizoń. The matter is being investigated by the court; the journalist from "Wprost" filed a lawsuit against Roman Warszawski for plagiarizing her article. [2]

Local media journalists often complain that their materials are plagiarized by reporters from regional and supra-local media. However, official actions against plagiarizers are rare. First, small media cannot afford to engage in legal battles with financially stronger regional publications. Second, as one can hear in the editorial office of the Żnin weekly "Pałuki," the plagiarism of local journalists` texts may only indicate that they are so good that they are worth plagiarizing.

An interesting battle unfolded at the beginning of 2001 in the Lublin press market. The local newspapers "Kurier Lubelski" and "Dziennik Wschodni" accused each other of unethical methods of competition. Both editorial offices were engaged in a war over columns and graphs to prove their superiority over the competitor. Sławomir Wyspiański, president of the company publishing "Dziennik Wschodni," accused "Kurier" of manipulation: "Kurier manipulates readers. It relies on readership research prepared by SMG/KRC and places the ZKDP sign underneath it." [3]

The publisher of "Dziennik Wschodni" threatened to bring "Kurier Lubelski" before a professional court. The publisher of "Kurier" defended himself by stating that his competitor was the first to provide readership data. However, he ceased providing somewhat inaccurate information.

Unquestionably and consciously violating professional ethics, not only journalistic ethics, is corruption. The problem of bribing journalists was examined by Andrzej Stankiewicz, a journalist for "Rzeczpospolita." [4] He claims that in local media, bribery proposals are so frequent that they have become standard. In his publications on the topic, he does not name any names but mentions situations that any editorial employee might encounter daily:

At a municipal festival in Opole, the organizers invited a reporter from a regional newspaper. He informed them that he would come if he received... 100 PLN. There was no evidence that he had received the bribe, but the report from the event appeared in the newspaper.

A very expensive Mercedes pulls up in front of a certain editorial office. A wealthy businessman gets out. He enters the office, lounges on the couch, and says how things are and how they should be. He threatens problems and then tries to bribe. He instructs them to issue an invoice for advertising, but he does not want any of that advertising. The proposals range from 1 to even 10 thousand PLN.

A former journalist of "Głos Pomorza" learned that the daughter of the police commander in Słupsk was caught red-handed stealing. Before he could publish this information, the aforementioned commander contacted him. He proposed a specific arrangement: the journalist would not use the information, and in return, he would receive interesting police stories first. The journalist reportedly did not agree to this arrangement.

In another local publication, before a planned fraud, there is an influx of advertising orders from the office. This is to silence journalists who, by raising sensitive topics, would expose the editorial office to the loss of quite a bit of money from advertisements.

The State Labor Inspectorate in a provincial city in southern Poland rewards local media journalists for describing its successes. According to Stankiewicz, the PIP staff has now become the local journalists` favorite topic.

Buying a journalist in Silesia costs around 1000 PLN for an article or a three-page interview. Two journalists from Silesian newspapers were on the "payroll" of a company set up with state money. They reportedly received 3000 PLN a month for maintaining its image. The procedure is allegedly conducted through local public relations agencies. Silesian PR professionals claim, however, that it is often the journalists themselves who suggest bribing them.

Julia Pitera, head of the Polish branch of Transparency International, says: "A journalist is not a public official, so a court will not recognize the money they receive as a bribe. But owners and editors should report such activities to the company’s detriment. Most editorial offices have ethical codes, but they often remain only on paper."

2. Diligence and Accuracy

Every reader, television viewer, and radio listener expects reliable, exhaustive, and, above all, truthful information. Unfortunately, this is not always the case in all media, not just local ones. Instances of diametrically different accounts of the same event are not uncommon. This can only be attributed to the subjective evaluation of events by the reporting journalist. However, this contradicts the provisions of the Press Law. Article 12, paragraph 1, point 1 imposes on every journalist the obligation to exercise particular diligence and accuracy in gathering and utilizing information. However, there are often significant reservations about the aforementioned diligence and accuracy.

Jerzy Skoczylas, a well-known critic of local media, once condemned these inaccuracies and obvious nonsense arising from glaring deficiencies in skills. He used many examples, similar to one from "Echa Gmin": "From a stolen Volkswagen Jetta, a 21-year-old resident of Kędzierzyn-Koźle was `transferred` to jail—by decision of the district prosecutor—who stole it and managed to drive it to Opole, as we reported last week. The question is: Did the 21-year-old get to Opole by Volkswagen, jail, or Kędzierzyn-Koźle?" [5] He also pointed out the mindless transcribing of what a journalist heard but did not think through before submitting for print (Cezary Dąbrowski, "Życie Warszawy," July 20, 1999): "We didn`t manage it all (the statement by Dorota Idzi). In an unprepared statement, one can forget about the rule of double negation, but the journalist should correct it (...). Provided they know that rule."

An indisputable lack of accuracy and a blatant lack of diligence is exemplified by the article by Waldemar Kuchanny, a journalist for "Gazeta Morska," the regional supplement of "Gazeta Wyborcza." This journalist, based on an anonymous tip circulating around the town hall, accused the mayor of Gdańsk, Paweł Adamowicz, of embezzling 20,000 PLN. The lack of accuracy lay in the fact that Kuchanny did not even attempt to learn the opinion of the other side, in this case, the one directly concerned. The court turned out to be lenient towards the journalist, ruling that public figures must reckon with media interest, which is not always favorable. However, this is a serious blot on the journalist’s honor and a tarnishing of their professional prestige. Waldemar Kuchanny earned himself a reputation as an unreliable journalist through his own fault.

A similar serious error was committed in September 2001 by journalists from "Gazeta w Częstochowie," a local supplement of "Gazeta Wyborcza." In the "Supermarket" insert, they described a company operating at the PKP train station, "Res." This company dealt with so-called "expired press sales." The journalists described the proud owner of the company, who told how cheaply one could buy second-hand newspapers and magazines from him. There would be nothing wrong with this if the whole operation were not illegal. No publisher in Poland allows for the sale of returns, and operations like Res’s cost Polish publishers millions every year. Glorifying such common thieves met with protests from Częstochowa publishers. To this day, "Gazeta w Częstochowie" has not taken an official stance. Nothing is known about holding the authors of the text accountable either, even after the police dismantled an entire network of pirated points of sale a few days later, which was reported by the main edition of "Wyborcza." This time the journalists had no doubts that the operation was illegal and worthy of the utmost condemnation.

3. Authorization

The issue of authorization is regulated by Article 14, paragraph 2 of the Press Law. It is decidedly the least liked obligation among journalists. They agree that it hinders the gathering of information, often making it impossible to convey data accurately, and allows public figures to retract everything they said to journalists under the law. Every journalist has encountered a conversation partner who demanded authorization. Each has learned that an authorized text sometimes bears little resemblance to the original version—not only because of cosmetic edits. It is often the case that the individual authorizing the text completely changes its original meaning, rendering the material worthless in terms of content.

One example is the ordeal faced by journalists from "Głos Pomorza," who tried to obtain answers regarding the takeover of the Gdańsk Higher School of Humanities by companies associated with the rector of the Baltic Higher School of Humanities in Koszalin. The authorized answers were not suitable for publication. Thus, journalists had to publish an unauthorized text and inform their readers of their problems:

"In our conversation with the rectors of GWSH, we stated the matter honestly: clear questions, clear answers, then quotes and authorization. After verifying the information obtained from the rectors, it turned out that despite our efforts, we had not received answers to the most important questions, and some of them differed significantly from what we later heard at the Ministry of Education. We decided to discuss only the key statements from the rectors, as the discussions about the mission of non-public universities, which largely filled the conversation, had no direct relation to the issues we were inquiring about. That is a topic for a separate article. Three days before this publication, Prof. Waldemar Tłokiński explained that in the first conversation, he could not say more because "Chancellor Skeczkowski requested that certain decisions be kept confidential due to the complicated situation of BWSH in Koszalin." Nonetheless, the "GP" editorial office is considering publishing the full conversation with Prof. Waldemar Tłokiński after prior authorization." [7]

The right to authorization is sometimes bent in a curiously censorial way. An example would be the decision by council members from Otmuchów, who, citing the provisions of the Press Law, decided to impose an obligation to authorize literally quoted statements from council members made during municipal meetings. Authorization would be carried out personally by the chairperson of the council.

The ignorance of the Press Law among those demanding authorization is, especially outside the sphere of "big politics," unbelievable. How often have I personally encountered cases where an astonished mayor or village head returned the text sent for authorization with the note that it was not the entire article but only their statements, and they would authorize only the entire text. It is embarrassing that individuals demanding adherence to the provisions of the Press Law have no idea about them.

These feelings are shared by a significant group of journalists in local and regional media. "Sometimes I hear from certain public figures demands for the authorization of journalistic texts based on information obtained from them as interviewees. They sometimes make these demands autocratically, being firmly convinced that they can impose something akin to censorship that cuts out uncomfortable facts from press material," lamented Bogusław Bieńkowski, the editor-in-chief of the Kłodzko weekly "Euroregio Glacensis," in its pages. He describes the obligation of authorization as a form of autocracy. [8]

Andrzej Goszczyński, the director of the Press Freedom Monitoring Center, goes even further in his assessments. In one of his publications, he straightforwardly calls the authorization obligation a relic of censorship. [9] While this has met with outrage, especially from lawyers, journalists—more or less openly—agree with Goszczyński.

4. Covert Advertising

Article 12, point 2 addresses the issue of covert advertising, which might seem clearly regulated: "A journalist is prohibited from conducting hidden advertising activities related to obtaining financial or personal benefits from an individual or organization interested in advertising." [10] However, problems arise when trying to define the term "hidden advertising activity."

"Every material prepared for the media is information. There are only two types of it: public relations information and advertising. Covert advertising does not exist. Only in Poland has this strange phenomenon, resulting in the emergence of materials completely devoid of content, afflicted most editorial offices," claims Piotr Czarnowski, one of Poland`s leading PR specialists. In local media, as in national ones, there seem to be two schools. The first is an almost hysterical avoidance of any content that might even suggest advertising. This often leads to paradoxical situations. For example, police reports mention a robbery at "a certain wholesale store in the center" or an attempt to extort money from "a certain bank." [12]

This can be amusing, especially in situations where there is only one wholesaler or one bank in the city center. The fear of naming a company and being accused of covert advertising, even if the topic discussed has little to do with extolling its products, leads to such situations. Czarnowski states: "When the president of a specific housing cooperative speaks about rent increases, the audience receives an enigmatic message that the president of the housing cooperative is speaking. And it is essential to know whether the cooperative has a good reputation or if, for example, a lawsuit was filed against it for cheating customers." Media often panic when it comes to naming companies. Although research conducted in Western Europe and the United States shows that providing such information significantly enhances the credibility of the message.

Conversely, however, there are situations that are quite the opposite. "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie" published a sugary and full of praise text dedicated to the remarkable products of the company "Profiterm" in early September 2000. There would be nothing inherently wrong with this if not for one significant fact. The Press Law, in Article 36, point 3, clearly states that "advertisements and announcements must be marked in a way that leaves no doubt that they do not constitute editorial material." Meanwhile, the article about "Profiterm" appeared under the heading... editorial interventions.

A reporter from a radio station in central Poland displayed creativity in this area. He wove company names into his recordings. For example, he would ask representatives of specific companies about their impressions from a cultural event. Of course, not for free. He was dismissed from his job after preparing a material that openly praised one of the allied businesses.

Worryingly, the results of inspections by the Advertising Department of the National Radio and Television Council conducted in 2001 are alarming. Almost half—73 out of 162 inspected local and regional radio stations violated the Broadcasting Act regarding advertising and sponsorship activities. One of the inspected stations aired a commercial for cigarettes, prohibited by law. In fifteen instances, inspectors encountered advertisements for medical services, which are also banned. Nineteen stations broadcast covertly sponsored materials or programs sponsored by an entity prohibited by law. Five stations grossly exceeded the allowed advertising time, while ten improperly designated advertising blocks.

However, it happens that media are overly sensitive to the issue of covert advertising. "Does a sponsor of an important social initiative deserve praise? Most of us would answer - yes. Donating money for charitable and cultural purposes is a noble activity. Yet not everyone wants to acknowledge this. Most Polish media will refuse to publish the name of a sponsor free of charge. Why? Because the journalist can only mention the name of a company if the entrepreneur pays for it. The social engagement of a company does not matter to the editorial offices," complains Wiesław Stępień in the magazine "Contact - The Magazine of the British Polish Chamber of Commerce." [15]

It is hard not to agree with him. Avoiding naming companies and institutions that have done something praiseworthy has reached the level of a phobia among journalists. In fear of being accused of covert advertising, a journalist prefers to hide behind the cliché "a certain company" or "one of the institutions." Unfortunately, this can, according to Wiesław Stępień, lead to total disenchantment among sponsors, even those who help those in need for the most noble of purposes.

5. Court Reporting

Judges are generally reluctant to cooperate with the media. Aleksander Ostrowski, spokesperson for the Wrocław court, explains why: "We are currently inundated with a wave of young journalists who present a very different level. Often, these are individuals who lack not only legal training but also journalistic training." [16]

"No authority, including the judiciary, can operate outside social control. In practice, this is realized through press reports on the course of trials and the judgments issued," retorts Andrzej Goszczyński in "Rzeczpospolita." [17]

Court reporting is often a thankless task. While it is easy to comply with the prohibition against expressing opinions on judicial decisions before the first-instance verdict is issued, it is much more difficult to prepare reliable material without publishing the personal data and images of the accused, witnesses, or victims. Andrzej Dunajski, a court reporter for "Dziennik Bałtycki," sums it up: "The hardest part of this profession is uncovering the truth. The worst part is that when you discover it, you can do very little with it."

Reports from the courtroom, or disclosing findings that are inconvenient for the justice system, may result in the reporting journalist themselves ending up in the dock. There are plenty of examples:

The Warsaw District Prosecutor charged Aleksander Chećko and Karol Małcużyński (the former editor-in-chief and deputy editor-in-chief of "Życie Warszawy") with hindering an investigation concerning Józef Oleksy. In May 1996, the newspaper published a secret part of the justification for the closure of the investigation regarding the alleged connections of the former Prime Minister of Poland with a Russian agent. The editorial office refused to disclose the informant—something to which it had the right not only under the Press Law but also under the Criminal Code.

In July 2000, Piotr Śmigielski and Jerzy Filar from "Dziennik Zachodni" stood trial. The prosecutor accused them of revealing the details of an investigation into threatening emails sent to President Aleksander Kwaśniewski. In the prosecutor`s statement, it was noted that the publication could hinder the work of law enforcement.

A journalist from "Głos Wybrzeża," Marek Błuś, was accused of defaming a judge and a prosecutor. The journalist reported on a trial concerning the sinking of the ferry Jan Heweliusz in 1993, in which 55 people died. Błuś wrote that the prosecutor was not interested in uncovering the truth and that the court was doing nothing to counteract this.

The blame for errors in court reports also lies with the courts. Journalists from "Kurier Szczeciński" complain about the difficulties in obtaining information. Leszek Wójcik, a journalist from "Kurier": "There is no press spokesperson at the Szczecin court, so my work consists of waiting in corridors and reading dockets. Fewer and fewer journalists come to the big trial of the Oczki gang because the accused openly insult us and threaten. They take advantage of the moment when the judges are not yet in the courtroom."

In such circumstances, obtaining a reliable and objective approach to the topic is challenging. A similarly difficult situation occurred in 2000 in Lublin. Dariusz Jędryszka, a court reporter for "Dziennik Wschodni," stated: "We have trouble obtaining information because the spokesperson and court staff hide behind the Personal Data Protection Act." Although the court left journalists a small loophole—allowing access to files if the journalist submits a suitably justified request for access to documents—in practice, however, all such requests are generally rejected.

Indeed, the restriction on access to files is the biggest problem for court journalists. The opinion of Ewa Kulesza, the General Inspector for Personal Data Protection from December 2000, only worsened the situation. At a meeting with court and prosecutor`s office spokespersons, Ewa Kulesza stated that journalists reading files violate the Personal Data Protection Act.

The Press Freedom Monitoring Center protested: "The access of journalists to court files is a fundamental and indispensable element of informing citizens about the workings of the courts, as well as social control over the justice system. A journalist deprived of access to court files would, in practice, be stripped of the ability to report on the trial accurately." [18]

According to Professor Andrzej Rzepliński and Andrzej Goszczyński from CMWP, the problem lies not in journalists` access to files, but in how the obtained information is utilized. They accused Minister Kulesza of an assault on press freedom.

It did not take long for the courts to react. The first editorial office to officially complain about the application of Ewa Kulesza`s recommendations in practice was "Gazeta Powiatowa - Wiadomości Oławskie." The editor-in-chief received a letter from Danuta Stępień, president of the Oław District Court, stating:

"In response to your letter dated December 6, I regret to inform you that I am currently compelled to deny the right to access any files of this Court. The issue you raised has a national dimension, and discussions regarding the relationship between the provisions of the Personal Data Protection Act and the provisions of the Press Law are currently ongoing. I hope that the relevant authorities will soon express themselves on this matter. Until then, to avoid exposing my Court to civil liability, I am generally compelled to deny access to files to third parties. Additionally, in response to the questions in your letter, I inform you that there are no means of appeal against my decision."

The situation was further complicated by the National Judiciary Council. In a position issued on May 17, 2001, they upheld Ewa Kulesza`s thesis. Its representatives stated that journalists have no special rights in this matter. [19]

Thus, everything rests in the hands of the presidents of individual courts and the chairpersons of judicial panels. Practice shows that waging a war with this environment never pays off. If a journalist pushes too hard against lawyers, they may encounter some unconventional behaviors from their side. For instance, the decision by a judge in Olsztyn. During a trial involving a local gangster, Joanna Wojciechowska from "Gazeta Wyborcza" was removed from the courtroom. The judge deemed the petite woman a serious threat to courtroom safety. All discussions proved fruitless. The court`s decision was final and unassailable.

In these cases, the Press Freedom Monitoring Center also intervened. In an open letter to the Minister of Justice, the first president of the Supreme Court, and the chairperson of the National Judiciary Council, Professors Andrzej Rzepliński and Andrzej Goszczyński mention further incidents where journalists were removed from public hearings in Muszyna and Zamość, prohibited from taking notes during trials, and situations in the courts of Legnica and Szczecin, where journalists were forced to disclose their names in front of the accused contrary to the law. [20]

A reaction to the appeal was promising. On July 30, 2001, Minister of Justice Stanisław Iwanicki stated: "The need to inform representatives of the press about ongoing cases is not, in principle, controversial, as the right to information is formulated in Article 11 of the Press Law, and this right corresponds to the obligation to provide information that burdens the entities specified in Article 4, paragraph 1 of the said law. The only limitation on access to this information may be the fact that it is covered by state or official secrecy or another secret protected by law, or the occurrence of circumstances justifying the limitation or exclusion of transparency by the court in a specific case.

The leadership of the Ministry of Justice, considering the current state of affairs and lacking legislative authorizations, has never ordered the presidents of courts to establish any general rules for providing or denying journalists access to court files."

Nevertheless, journalists, especially in District Courts in small towns, continue to face significant challenges in reporting trials and enforcing their rights. Usually, discussions with the chairpersons of judicial panels lead nowhere. There is only the option of lodging a complaint with the president of the court, but practice shows that this rarely yields the desired result.

6. Social Mission

The social mission of the media is regarded as their obligation. Local media best fulfill this duty. For this reason, local journalism is referred to as "journalism closest to life."

Local media are the bastion of Polish civic journalism. Daily, media from small towns fight for the rights of their audiences, for example, through interventionist materials. The effects are particularly evident in the context of the major floods that hit Poland in the summers of 1997, 1998, and 2001.

In 1997, in Lower Silesia, it was the local newspaper editorial offices that first organized aid for flood victims. Through the "Gazeta Dolnośląska," a supplement of "Gazeta Wyborcza," all the assistance organized by journalists across Poland passed. All newspapers and radio stations provided information about what was most needed in the areas devastated by water. Thanks to cooperation and good coordination, situations did not arise where assistance reached places where it was no longer needed.

The ways of organizing assistance for flood victims often took very unconventional forms. Most often, editorial offices organized collections and concerts, but two reporters from Radio Łódź—Przemysław Witkowski and Radosław Wilczek—raised funds by flying in a powered paraglider. They took off from the Łódź airport, flew through Dęblin, Białystok, Mikołajki, Olsztyn, Gdańsk, Hel, and Trzebiatów, to land in Warsaw. On the side of the paraglider, they had painted the account number to which anyone could donate.

Floods turn the programming of local radio stations upside down. Radio Echo from Nowy Sącz broadcast local news until 3 a.m., whereas normally such broadcasts are scheduled every two hours. Local news was also of utmost importance in Radio Kielce. Most importantly, these were not just reports about the scale of destruction and human tragedy but also very vital information about where to find help: fresh water, food, and a dry place to spend the night.

In crisis situations, journalists ceased to be merely observers. Reporters from TV Lublin and TV Gdańsk created a specific communication network for residents of flooded areas. They collected information about what assistance they needed most. The Kielce editorial office of "Słowo Ludu" became a contact point for coordinating the assistance action. Journalists themselves called wholesalers and stores asking for help. Every journalist and secretary of the editorial office helped unload donations.

Danuta Rucińska, secretary of the editorial office of "Gazeta Ostrowiecka": "We became a real emergency office, the last lifeline for flood victims." [21]

In 2001, in Gdańsk, the daily newspapers demonstrated the greatest reflex. Paradoxically, the most important information was published earlier than on the radio stations. "Dziennik Bałtycki" moved its deadline by several hours. As a result, in the newspaper, readers could find not only a report from the flooded areas but also the phone numbers for the crisis headquarters and emergency information lines for the railways. Both "Dziennik Bałtycki" and "Wieczór Wybrzeża," two newspapers belonging to Polskapresse, also prepared a joint, special afternoon edition. It contained all the information that could be needed by residents of the flooded Pomerania. [22]

"Gazeta Morska," the Pomeranian supplement of "Gazeta Wyborcza," also published two special editions titled "Gazeta dla Oruni," with a circulation of five hundred copies. [23]They consisted of only two pages, but they were full of crucial information for the residents of the most devastated district. They contained information on how to evacuate from flooded Orunia, where medical points were organized, which pharmacies had a 24-hour duty, and where people who lost their roofs could find shelter. There were even tips on which water was safe to drink and how to salvage belongings.

In contrast, the newspapers from Słupsk lagged behind. The day after the disaster, neither "Głos Słupski" nor "Głos Pomorza" made a single mention of it. Both newspapers explained this by saying that they were printed in Koszalin and had a deadline for sending columns to print at 8 p.m. At that point, the rain was still falling, and nothing foreshadowed such a great disaster. However, the team at Polish Radio Koszalin stepped up to the task. Throughout the night, this radio station, the only one to do so, broadcast information about the dangers and about the people who needed immediate assistance. The latest updates from the crisis headquarters were also presented on air.

Gdańsk radio stations, although initially outpaced by the newspapers, quickly made up for lost time. Reporters from Polish Radio Gdańsk reported live from the region from two reporting vehicles. Entertainment programs were pulled from the air. Instead, programs were prepared where listeners could make offers of help. Traffic information was broadcast every quarter-hour and dominated by news about the situation in flooded areas.

Recently, the most serious and globally significant crisis situation was the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington. Many local and regional editorial offices showed full professionalism in reporting this event, which was very important for all people around the world. The free Warsaw newspaper "Metropol" issued a special supplement on the same day as the attack. In the evening of September 11, 2001, special supplements of "Dziennik Bałtycki" and "Wieczór Wybrzeża" were published in Pomerania (this was the second special joint edition of both newspapers), "Gazeta Olsztyńska" in Warmia and Mazuria, and "Dziennik Łódzki" in Łódź. On Wednesday, a special supplement of "Słowo Polskiego" was issued in Lower Silesia, "Życie Warszawy" in Mazovia, and again "Metropol" in Warsaw. Information from agencies was continuously provided by almost all radio and television stations. Readers were able to obtain the latest information and opinions. OBOP research indicates that many Poles feared the outbreak of World War III. Reliable reports from the media immediately after the attack and in the following weeks—such as concerning the threat of chemical and biological attacks, as well as the hysteria surrounding cases of anthrax infections—largely helped to quell fear and maintain calm during the developments.

The most important task for the media in such moments is to provide accurate and useful information. Stoking panic by heating the atmosphere is simply unacceptable. Over recent years, Polish media have been able to learn this lesson firsthand. Year after year, tragic experiences are unfortunately increasing. Fortunately, it is evident that not only journalists are drawing conclusions from this.

Of course, civic journalism does not end with crisis situations, where rapid responses to threats to health or life are required. It is precisely local media that often engage in initiatives to assist orphanages, hospitals, hospices, and other similar institutions.

In the summer of 1999, the local Wałbrzych radio station "Twoje Radio Wałbrzych" organized a grand auction for a Perfect band album to support the financially struggling Wałbrzych hospice. Thanks to the involvement of journalists who managed to mobilize practically the whole city, the album was auctioned for an astronomical amount—100,000 PLN—given the small and impoverished nature of the city.
Jolanta Reisch, a journalist for "Nowa Trybuna Opolska," "Radio Opole," and a collaborator of the local newspaper "Kluczborski Kurier Samorządowy," organized a major campaign to acquire a mammogram for a clinic in Kluczbork. Thanks to the commitment, persistence, and—above all—interest from all local media in this initiative, the mammogram was purchased. The author and organizer of the campaign was honored by the jury of the "Journalists from Our Areas" competition with the main prize in 2000.

The jury of the "Journalism for the Common Good" competition awarded the main prize to Marcin Kowalski from "Gazeta w Bydgoszczy" for his "brave, personally risky exposure of the actions of a criminal organization in Mogilno. This series of articles, not only reliable but also excellent in terms of craft, exemplifies how journalism is a social mission and an engagement in repairing the world, even when it carries the furthest-reaching consequences." Maria Blimel and Wanda Wasilewska from Poznań`s Radio Merkury also received awards for a "radio report broadcast on Radio Merkury in Poznań titled `I go here as to paradise.` This report convincingly tells about the value of working with disabled children. By presenting the `Bury Misie` movement created by a priest leading volunteer holiday camps for disabled children, the authors promote the people who bring help, motivated not by pity but by understanding and love for those rejected by society."

The next task for civic journalism is to provide clear and accurate information about the consequences of Poland`s accession to the European Union. Local media have already begun to address this issue, with good results. "Gazeta Radomszczańska" was among the fifteen laureates of the Open Media Competition organized by the Committee for European Integration in 2001. The journalists received the award for the project "Repetytorium - why it`s worth living in a united Europe."

It is local media that make the most effort to improve the lot of the people they encounter every day. They chase sensationalism less, and more often show successes and the positive aspects of life. They create role models more effectively—examples are tangible for the audience. They are easier to verify than those that people only know from television.

The social mission of the media—civic journalism deserves the highest praise. And although it is often underestimated or pushed to the margins, it demonstrates a fundamental truth—journalism does not end in editorial offices. It should not only extend beyond the premises of newspapers, radio stations, and television studios. It should also extend beyond the pages, radios, and televisions. Often, what a journalist does does not need to be reflected in text or report. Audiences understand this, and journalists should understand it too. Not just those who work in local media.

*****

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• [2] Marcin Baranowski, Paraetyka, "Press" nr 5/2001
• [3] Robert Horbaczewski, Walki wschodnie, "Press" nr 6/2001
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• [10] Ustawa Prawo Prasowe z dnia 26 styczna 1984 roku z późniejszymi zmianami
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• [12] Sygnały Policyjne, "Słowo Polskie", 12 października 2000
• [13] Otwierają okna na świat, "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie", 4 września 2000
• [14] Raport pokontrolny Departament Reklamy Biura Krajowej Rady Radiofonii i Telewizji, wrzesień 2001
• [15] Wiesław Stępień, Media kontra sponsorzy, "Contact - The Magazine of the British Polish Chamber of Commerce" nr 6/1999
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• [17] Andrzej Goszczyński, Z Temidą na bakier, "Rzeczpospolita" 16 lipca 2001
• [18] Oświadczenie Centrum Monitoringu Wolności Prasy w sprawie wypowiedzi Ewy Kuleszy, Głównego Inspektora Danych Osobowych z dnia 23 października 2000 roku
• [19] Marek Kołdras, Wymogi togi, "Press" nr 8/2001
• [20] List otwarty Centrum Monitoringu Wolności Prasy do ministra sprawiedliwości, pierwszego prezesa Sądu Najwyższego i przewodniczącego Krajowej Rady Sądowniczej z dnia 5 kwietnia 2000 roku
• [21] AN, BG, MSC, Pospolite ruszenie mediów, "Press" nr 8/2001
• [22] Grzegorz Kopacz, Stan wyjątkowy, "Press" nr 8/2001
• [23] Gazeta dla Oruni, 10 lipca 2001
• [24] CG, Atak prawdy, "Press" nr 8/2001

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