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29.11.2001 Law in media

Local Media in Poland - Announcements

Bartłomiej Dwornik

Research by ComPress Agency, conducted among journalists in 2001, indicates that only 7 percent of them believe that PR specialists and press spokespeople understand journalists' needs well.

1. Spokesperson Shortcomings


In local and regional media, Article 34 of the Press Law can be considered a dead letter. It is rare for an editor-in-chief to be required to "publish a government communication free of charge, in a time and manner appropriate to the topic and nature of the publication, originating from the highest state authorities (...)" [1]. Customarily, however, local and regional media publish communications sent by municipal and county spokespersons without charge. Often, the quality of these materials is deplorable.

Most official communications are filled with convoluted terms like "housing substance." When receiving such a message, journalists must translate bureaucratic language into something their readers can understand. Sometimes, this results in misrepresenting the original message, which gets lost in the spokesperson’s complex phrasing [2].

Research by ComPress Agency, conducted in May and June 2001 among journalists, reveals that only 7 percent believe PR specialists and spokespersons understand the needs of journalists well. Half of the respondents considered the understanding of media needs to be moderate, and a third thought it was poor. This reflects in the daily operations of every newsroom. In local media, the situation is more challenging as, unlike national journalists, they often rely solely on the spokesperson or PR specialist for information.

This could explain the noticeable discrepancy in another survey—whether journalists would be interested in working in Public Relations. While a quarter of national journalists wouldn`t mind, only 15 percent of local and regional journalists would consider such a position [3].

The ComPress Agency research offers interesting insights into both national and regional media. In most newsrooms, only 10 to 30 percent of information provided by spokespersons and PR departments actually makes it to print or broadcast. The criticism is harsh: they don’t know how to write or how to engage journalists. Sometimes, communications are as long as twenty typed pages. Rarely does a journalist have the patience to rework this bulk into something readable for their audience. A quarter of journalists feel that follow-up calls asking if a story will be published are attempts to influence editorial policy, though a third see nothing wrong with it.

2. Open Pages


Chasing revenue, which can be scarce in small local markets, some editorial offices sometimes resort to tactics that border on the unethical or even illegal.

A prime example is the frequent appearance of ads for escort agencies in local press. While Article 36, section 2 of the Press Law states that "Advertisements and announcements cannot be contrary to the law or societal norms," the desire to boost revenue often wins.

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In the Lower Silesia market, local weeklies often lead in printing ads for escort services, effectively promoting prostitution. The Wałbrzych publication "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie" dedicates nearly a full page to such ads weekly [4]. Law enforcement does not react, explaining that ads alone do not constitute a crime, and no official complaints have been filed. Without a formal report, no legal proceedings are initiated.

This contrasts sharply with the strict ban on advertising illegal products and services. Although enforced for cigarettes and alcohol, this restriction appears ineffective when it comes to escort services. However, in cases involving cigarette advertising, the National Broadcasting Council has fined a few radio stations attempting to circumvent the law. Yet newspapers advertising escort services remain untouched.

In Lower Silesia, some advertisements are suspected of facilitating crime. In June 2000, a suspicious ad appeared in the regional newspaper "Autogiełda Dolnośląska." A Wałbrzych resident advertised very cheap cars, brought over from Western Europe as relocation property. This alone should have raised suspicions, especially as the advertiser requested a deposit of one to two thousand Deutsche Marks via poste restante. Despite these red flags, the ad continued for two months, until the Wałbrzych Police received the first reports of fraud. The ad was only withdrawn after police issued a public warning about the scam and appealed to victims to come forward. While no newspaper is required to verify the legality of classified ads, it would seem reasonable to take preventive action in clear-cut cases.

Similar mistakes, as practice shows, happen not only in small newsrooms, which might attribute them to inexperience, but also in well-established outlets. A September 2001 incident in Częstochowa undermined the credibility of "Gazeta w Częstochowie," a local supplement to "Gazeta Wyborcza."

Journalists, in the "Supermarket" section, openly promoted illegal activities by profiling a man running a business that sold second-hand newspapers returned from distributors. "Gazeta w Częstochowie" portrayed this entrepreneur as a success story with a genius idea to tackle local unemployment. Apparently, it did not occur to the journalists that selling returns is illegal. The article appeared just days after the industry magazine "Press" reported the financial losses Polish publishers face due to the illegal sale of periodicals, amounting to millions of złotys annually. Embarrassingly, "Gazeta Wyborcza" was fully aware of this issue. Days after the regrettable piece in "Gazeta w Częstochowie," the main edition of "Gazeta Wyborcza" ran a story about busting a ring of pirated newsstand operators selling returns at Warsaw train stations. "Gazeta Wyborcza" called these people criminals, not savvy entrepreneurs. Sadly, "Gazeta w Częstochowie" did not comment on its blunder, nor did any other editorial team bring it up. Only local publishers in Częstochowa submitted a protest to the editor-in-chief of "Gazeta Wyborcza." As of October 2001, they were still awaiting a response.

3. Just No


The Press Law—specifically Article 36, section 4—grants the editor-in-chief and publisher the right to refuse any advertisement or announcement that conflicts with the publication`s programming or character. While local editors rarely refuse advertisements, a few examples do exist.

In 1999, "Gazeta Dolnośląska," a local supplement to "Gazeta Wyborcza," exercised this right. A two-day discussion between the editorial team and ad department concluded with editor-in-chief Barbara Piegdoń-Adamczyk’s decision to reject an ad from a Wałbrzych escort agency, as it would conflict with the paper`s character.

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There are also absurd situations. In spring 2000, a new newspaper, "Nowa Wałbrzyska," entered the Wałbrzych market. Its advertising campaign was to include the two other local weeklies, "Tygodnik Wałbrzyski" and "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie," as well as regional dailies. Both weeklies refused to advertise the competitor, which is understandable. However, the ad office of the regional daily "Słowo Polskie" also refused to place the ad for "Nowa Wałbrzyska." The argument of not advertising a competing title is difficult to defend in this case. As a result, the new paper’s campaign had to rely on radio spots, billboards, and inserts in the only cooperative daily, "Gazeta Wrocławska," owned by Polskapresse.

Another Wałbrzych example involves "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie," published by Dolnośląski Zakład Termoenergetyczny. Being the most popular title in town, it attracted large ad interest from Przedsiębiorstwo Energetyki Cieplnej S.A. Unfortunately, the publisher refused to carry the competitor`s ad, regardless of size or offered payment. The official reason was not stated, but the motive seems obvious.

4. Advertiser Pressure


Advertisers hold a strong position over media. Traditional ads are increasingly tedious to media audiences, so companies are pushing editorial offices to feature them not as ads or sponsored content but as editorial material. Wealthy publications resist, but cash-strapped media often yield. "We once published a critical piece on a computer company," a former journalist recalls. "They were a main sponsor of one of our sections. The CEO called to say they would cut ties. Our editor-in-chief apologized profusely. Soon, acquaintances called asking why we wrote so many flattering articles about that company" [5].

A Rzeszów daily faced a similar situation with a large advertiser who threatened to withdraw all ads after a negative article. Due to the significant ad revenue, the same journalist, following management’s instructions, wrote a new article portraying the businessman as a noble figure helping underprivileged children.

There are also instances when a company orders ads in exchange for an interview with its CEO or director. For small editorial offices, the temptation is significant, and they often give in. This happened with "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie," a weekly in the Wałbrzych area, which published an extensive interview with Ewa Bryk, vice president of the children’s furniture company DMD. Besides the complimentary tone, the article included hidden promotional language, such as a caption under a photo: "Our furniture is exceptionally affordable compared to other products." A journalist specializing in politics conducted the interview [6].

According to researcher Andrzej Stankiewicz from "Rzeczpospolita," affluent companies frequently use such tactics and rarely face refusal. Moreover, some struggling media may offer such a deal themselves: an article for advertising. This happened in Trójmiasto, where a Western company faced opposition to building a gas station due to government protection of domestic refineries. Shortly after, a newspaper ran a piece arguing that the station`s construction would lower fuel prices. Experts found this amusing, but uninformed readers could have been misled.

Journalists of specialized sections face the most pressure. To diversify their offer, some local media introduced sections dedicated to topics like cars or computers. Cars and equipment for testing are often provided by local dealers. A negative review risks cutting off future test opportunities. Sometimes, equipment is offered on the condition that favorable reviews appear elsewhere in the paper.

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The same applies to reviews. Local media are in a weak bargaining position with record labels or publishing houses. Criticism of an album or book can lead to losing access to premieres. This is particularly troublesome for radio stations that thrive on offering new hits ahead of competitors. Consequently, reviewers in local titles may self-censor, producing overly positive reviews rather than honest assessments. Stankiewicz warns that in the long run, this strategy may backfire on media.

Readers disappointed by a costly album or book may eventually realize they cannot trust a journalist’s recommendations and turn to more reliable competitors.

5. Crisis Situations


There are situations when distributing official communications is crucial. For example, during floods, which have periodically struck southern Poland in recent years, official information is vital. Crisis Center announcements on evacuation routes, aid locations, and support options are often relayed only through the media. Local radio stations excel in such situations. In 1997, Lower Silesian stations provided comprehensive assistance for flood victims in the Kłodzko Valley, and later, as the flood reached Wrocław, informed citizens about available aid. Similar actions occurred a year later. Crisis center and relief agency announcements immediately appeared in the press and on radio and television. These sometimes received the highest priority, as on Polish Radio Wrocław.

Crisis situations aren`t limited to natural disasters. In Wałbrzych, after the coal mining district was closed, flammable methane began leaking from the sealed shafts. Local media, in solidarity, published Crisis Management Department warnings. Instructions on how to respond to immediate danger made the front pages and aired hourly on radio and cable TV. This approach may have prevented tragedy, as residents knew how to stay safe and where to seek help.

A similar situation occurred in Wałbrzych in early 2001. An old Soviet uranium mine shaft collapsed on the city’s outskirts, causing initial panic. Local media helped manage public anxiety by publishing updates from authorities assessing the site. News that no harmful radiation was detected reached residents within minutes of the test results. Once again, panic was averted, and thanks to the media’s preventive messaging, no one attempted to explore the site independently.

Unfortunately, recent years have been rife with crises. In addition to floods and structural collapses, there was the psychological impact of terrorism in fall 2001. Although Poland was not directly threatened, people remained uneasy. Media helped alleviate this anxiety. Health, fire, and police services provided guidance on what to do during a chemical attack or if anthrax spores were suspected in mail. Even media that initially mocked public fears eventually understood the importance of reassuring rather than ridiculing concerned citizens.

Although there is no formal obligation to publish official announcements in newspapers or air them on radio and TV, in crises, no media outlet questions this responsibility. Public service and civic journalism take precedence over economic principles. Fortunately, no editorial office has demanded payment from the issuer of such a communication.

*****

  • [1] Press Law Act of January 26, 1984, with later amendments, Art. 34, sec. 1
  • [2] Bernard Łętowski, Bringing Good News, "Press" no. 10/1999
  • [3] Anna Nalewajk, Misfit Syndrome, "Press" no. 8/2001
  • [4] Sample page from "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie"
  • [5] Andrzej Stankiewicz, White on White, "Press" no. 12/2000
  • [6] Mateusz Mykytyszyn, The Artist and the Accountant, "Nowe Wiadomości Wałbrzyskie" no. 40/2001

Read all articles in the series Local Media in Poland.

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