Népszava. The history of Hungary's oldest newspaper

source: Wikimedia • public domain

When in 1867, as a result of the Austro-Hungarian Compromise, the dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary was established under Habsburg rule, Jakob Mayer was 23 years old. He was born in Thalheim, Germany, but as a child emigrated with his family to Hungary. There, due to various hardships, he took the surname of his stepfather - Rubcsics.

As Jakob Mayer-Rubcsics, he studied and became active in political circles. In 1865, he adopted the pseudonym Viktor Külföldi, which he used until his death.

Külföldi, which means foreigner in Hungarian, was highly engaged in the political life of his adopted homeland. In 1868, he co-founded Hungary’s first socialist movement, the General Workers’ Union. He also became the publisher and editor of the General Workers’ Gazette (1870). For his beliefs, membership in the First International, and organizing a strike, he was charged with treason in the Budapest Communist Trial (1871-1872). Due to lack of evidence, he served only 6 months in prison. Two years later, he helped form the Workers’ Party, which was dissolved by authorities after a year. In 1876, he organized opposition against the Non-Electoral Party (a socialist movement led by Leó Frankl).

NÉPSZAVA the voice of the people

Although there were no workers` parties in Hungary’s political scene at the time, there was a workers’ press. From January 5, 1873, the Hungarian-language Munkás Heti-Krónika and its German-language counterpart Arbeiter Wochen-Chronik were printed. Both were founded by Külföldi, who sat on the editorial board. Unlike his editorial colleague Leó Frankl, a supporter of a political party based on the social democratic ideology consistent with the goals of the International and Marxist theory, Külföldi supported trade unions. He believed that a party does not necessarily need to emphasize ideological and political unity and his main demands were:

• health insurance
• clear definition and maximization of working hours
• Sundays off from work.

He also knew how important a workers` newspaper is, along with its correspondents and subscriber network in general. From the perspective of organizing the labor movement.

In conflict with Frankl, Külföldi left the Munkás Heti-Krónika editorial board to launch another workers` newspaper. Frankl, who became editor-in-chief of the Chronicle, struggled with the Hungarian language and focused more on its German edition.


On May 20, 1877, a publication titled NÉPSZAVA, or The Voice of the People, appeared on the streets of Budapest. Külföldi announced it as a paper in opposition not only to the government but also to the party, or more precisely, its leaders (see Frankl).

Népszava, a social democratic bulletin, was printed in Hungarian. But since every paper at the time needed a German version, Volkstimme was printed simultaneously. With the launch of this new publication, the Népszava Bookstore publishing house was also established.

More activists than journalists

Although the first issue of the bulletin was published in 1877, due to its founder, Munkás Heti-Krónika was considered the direct predecessor of Népszava. However, both papers operated simultaneously on the market until 1880.

The two-column Népszava was published weekly. It focused on issues of the Hungarian working class. Its spiritual guide was the Austrian daily Arbeiter Zeitung, whose texts often appeared unchanged in the Budapest edition.

Just like in the Chronicle, Külföldi in Népszava urged the creation of trade unions and protection of specific labor groups through them.

"We must strive for unionization with all our strength. So when the coming global crisis hits our tyrants, Hungarian workers will not stand confused, unprepared, and divided. Instead, they will be ready for the new era after workers’ victory, which we hope will bring the dawn of our freedom", he wrote in his first article in the new paper.

Népszava quickly gained followers. After a few years, it began appearing three times a week. It remained focused on labor movement issues. General national or global news was rare. Its creators were more activists than journalists.

The first newsroom revolution

Külföldi, a union supporter, founded the Hungarian Workers’ Party a year after launching Népszava. With growing political and social duties, he handed over editorial leadership on October 12, 1879, to Géza Csorba, a lawyer and journalist, one of the paper’s five editorial staff. Külföldi remained the owner and publisher. Csorba edited the bulletin for the next three years and witnessed its first newsroom revolution.

In 1880, two party factions merged: Külföldi’s Hungarian Workers’ Party and the Non-Electoral Party, formed in 1878 by wage laborers. They created the Hungarian General Workers’ Party. Külföldi and Frankl’s paths crossed again, both playing key roles in forming the new party. They also joined forces in labor movement journalism. Népszava became the party’s official newspaper, its central bulletin for Hungarian social democrats, and its German version was Arbeiter Wochen-Chronik. The second edition of Népszava appeared on February 1, 1880.

The bulletin steadily grew in popularity and size, adding columns, pages, contributors, and content. International Marxist voices like Karl Kautsky and Victor Adler, founder of Austro-Hungarian social democracy, shared their views. Authorities in Vienna and Budapest were displeased, but activists persisted.

In 1883, dissatisfied with the party’s direction, Victor Külföldi withdrew from politics. In 1886, he published the book The Carpenter and briefly returned to the labor movement, giving talks and lectures. In 1890, he took a job at the Sick Fund. He died on March 5, 1894, in Budapest at age 50.

This weapon is too weak. A daily is needed

In 1890, the Hungarian General Workers’ Party changed its name to the Hungarian Social Democratic Party. Népszava became its press organ and property. For several years, the bulletin remained unchanged in form and content. It had multiple editors-in-chief, including Béla Somogyi (1897-1898), a teacher, writer, and journalist. He left due to internal conflicts but returned in September 1919.

Under editor Ernő Garami, Népszava underwent significant changes. Garami, a mechanic by trade and politician, writer, and self-taught journalist by passion, began his tenure at just 22 years old in 1898. His main goal: Népszava must become a daily.

That was not easy. The government wanted to shut down the bulletin, which was now published three times a week. Administrative pressure was so strong that the newsroom was closed several times. Still, with the printers’ help, Népszava kept publishing under different titles. Two of those titles even reappeared in later years. The name Népakarat (Will of the People) was briefly used after October 1956. The name Népszabadság (People’s Freedom) was used by the paper Szabad Nép.

At the time, German social democracy`s slogan was: Power is knowledge. Knowledge is power. Hungarian activists echoed it. As Jakub Weltner, then director and later editor-in-chief (1931), wrote: "The socialist movement, strengthened by persecution, gained political weight. Népszava, appearing three times a week, was no longer strong enough. We all felt that we could grow the movement only if we had a daily".

Own printing press. Forward

Entering the new century, the bulletin and its German edition had a circulation of 13-14 thousand. That wasn’t impressive. The issue was financial. Though thousands read the paper, only 8,000 could afford it. To improve, the paper needed its own printing press. The Világosság press was helpful but expensive, and Népszava’s debts grew.

Garami decided to buy a press. Old and purchased on credit, it had to do. Thanks to that decision, on April 1, 1905, the first issue of Népszava as a daily appeared with the subtitle Előre, or Forward.


Népszava made a real leap forward. Though initially planned for 8 pages, readers demanded more. The paper expanded to 10 pages and sometimes even 20. It added a third column.

Subscribers increased. After purchasing another press, the shop at Rákóczi and Nyár Streets became too small. When the party headquarters was built at Conti Street (now Tolnai Lajos) in 1909, the printing and editorial offices moved there. A year later, thanks to advertising, Népszava’s circulation passed 30,000. This allowed technical improvements and the introduction of photos in 1911.

Another key moment in the paper’s history was the inclusion of Hungarian intellectuals alongside party activists. The core editorial team welcomed:

• Ervin Szabó - sociologist, journalist, and lawyer,
• Zsigmond Kunfi - translator, literary historian, and journalist
• and writer Béla Révész.

They introduced literature, stories, debates, and discussions. There was even room for poetry. Representing it was Sándor Csizmadia, called the official party poet. Though almost all content remained tied to the labor movement, Népszava’s character clearly evolved. Along with editor Garami and director Weltner, Ernő Brasztovszky, the publisher, supported the new direction. He wrote:

"Hungarian social democracy cannot allow progress to stall in fine literature. We cannot bitterly watch those who march ahead with strength. If we do, we’ll fall behind, be trampled, and become helpless ourselves. Our place is at the front. Leading progress".

An unexpected party decision

Everyone was surprised when the party itself supported this direction, even though its dissatisfied top leadership had been interfering in the editorial process almost daily. On February 3, 1909, during a leadership meeting, the party passed a resolution: The party leadership does not consider it right or necessary, as an organ, to interfere in the debate on literary trends or take a stance in any direction. The leadership wants to ensure full freedom of thought for all participants in the debate, including the Népszava editorial team. The party leadership recognizes that gathering intellectual content in Népszava is both the right and the duty of the editors.

It was a rare move. The decision echoed nationwide and brought new renowned names from Hungarian literature into the editorial office, including Dezső Kosztolányi, Margit Kaffka, and Lajos Nagy. The publishing house also started to flourish, producing translations of works by Anatole France, Maxim Gorky, and Émile Zola.

Besides poetry and literary texts, the paper began featuring graphics and illustrations. Although small sketches appeared at the end of the 19th century, the first significant illustration was presented by painter, graphic artist, and sculptor Mihály Bíró, the paper’s artistic director, on May 1, 1912. It illustrated the poem by Ady Endre, A Május:szabad (Free May), which stirred controversy and sparked a heated debate about May Day celebrations.

Bíró is also known for the famous 1911 poster The red man with the hammer. A naked red figure swinging a hammer against the backdrop of Népszava`s front page became a symbol of the Hungarian labor movement.

In later years, he created several versions of the poster. The best-known one from 1914 shows Austro-Hungarian soldiers trying to restrain the Red Man in chains, a visual paraphrase of the slogan Workers of the world unite. You have nothing to lose but your chains. Népszava texts in the background are blurred and censored, as truth is the first casualty of war. The Red Man remains a lasting figure in Hungarian history.

An anti-war newspaper

As it entered the second decade of the 20th century, Népszava became half political, half cultural. On July 25, 1914, it proved prophetic by anticipating war. The next day headlines read: We don`t want war! In an editorial, Garami wrote: Today the social democratic voice is the only one in the country still protesting the war, even at the last moment.

During World War I, Népszava’s coverage took on an anti-war tone. Authorities disliked this stance and obstructed the paper as much as possible through censorship, newsroom closures, and journalist intimidation. The paper kept publishing under different titles. Its journalists actively participated in the anti-war movement and supported the revolutionary efforts of Russian workers and peasants.

Despite the economic hardship of war, Garami launched an afternoon edition from 1914 to 1915. Despite tight censorship, lead writer Zsigmond Kunfi managed to publish articles. Satirical drawings also appeared. Sometimes pages were left blank, like on November 22, 1916, when Emperor Franz Joseph I died. The front and third pages were empty, bearing only the title Ferenc József meghalt.

By the end of the war, Népszava softened its anti-war stance and even supported the government in some actions. In October 1918, like the rest of the country, the newsroom went through a hurricane of changes. The Austro-Hungarian monarchy collapsed.

The Hungarian Soviet Republic and editorial purges

Editor-in-chief Ernő Garami and lead writer Zsigmond Kunfi became ministers in Károlyi’s government. The long-time opposition paper became a pro-government outlet, with Jakab Weltner heading the newsroom. On March 21, 1919, the Hungarian Soviet Republic was declared. Népszava became the morning organ of the united communist-socialist party, and its afternoon edition was Vörös Újság (Red Newspaper), the former Bolshevik party paper. This alliance lasted only a few months and did not benefit the newspaper. The radical opposition accused Weltner and Népszava of opportunism and betrayal.

Strikes and uprisings led to the Republic’s fall in August 1919. The country, and the newspaper under the Social Democratic Party, returned to its previous path. However, those few months of true communism caused a major personnel purge at Népszava. Many communist sympathizers fled abroad, including editor-in-chief Jakab Weltner. Former editor Béla Somogyi was asked to take over the newsroom.


During the Hungarian Soviet Republic, Somogyi strongly criticized the Red Terror. Once back at Népszava, he published daily articles condemning the White Terror. He wasn’t alone. Other journalists supported him, including László Fényes, who stood trial for his articles. His example inspired the Hungarian exile press in Vienna.

Such writing deeply upset the National Army and its commander Miklós Horthy. After entering Budapest in November 1919, Horthy declared war on the paper, saying: The Hungarian nation once loved and pampered Budapest. But lately, this city has become its ruin. Now, here on the Danube, I call the Hungarian capital to death.

On December 7, he kept his word. The Népszava newsroom and printing house were destroyed. Somogyi and his family were evicted from their own home.

Attack on journalists. Perpetrators unpunished

Despite intimidation, the newspaper continued publishing without changing its tone. The editor-in-chief, who received threats signed by real officers, moved into a boarding house near the newsroom and never walked alone. On the night of February 17, 1920, returning from the office with young reporter Béla Basco, they were attacked by officers from the Ostenburg unit. They were tortured and then murdered. Their bound bodies were thrown into the Danube. News of their deaths spread rapidly across the country, causing public outrage. Although the perpetrators were known, it was ruled to be an individual action, and after a ten-year trial, the verdict declared: The accused, if they committed the acts, did so under the mistaken belief that their actions served the interests of the Hungarian race and national ideals.

The journalist’s memory lives on among Hungarian political supporters and in modern Hungarian true crime accounts. The editor’s death marked the beginning of Miklós Horthy’s dictatorship (1920-1944). A week after the journalists’ funeral, he was appointed governor of the Kingdom of Hungary (the state’s official name until 1944).

On March 2, 1920, Népszava published an article by Somogyi’s successor, János Vanczák, where he wrote... he extended the calloused hand of the Hungarian worker in peace adding: We leave it to the wisdom of Your Excellency whether to grasp this hand or reject it as unworthy.

The article caused controversy both at home and among the émigré community. Many saw it as disrespect toward the murdered editor’s memory. Others felt it was driven by fear for their lives, their colleagues, and the paper itself.

300 defamation lawsuits

Vanczák, who softened his tone, led Népszava for six years until 1926. These were tough years. Although the authorities considered the paper a necessary evil and hindered its operations, they did not dare shut it down. Attempts were made. The paper was unavailable from April 29 to May 5, 1921, and on November 30, it lost street-selling rights. Népszava faced lawsuits for defamation, insult, and incitement. Journalists were threatened or beaten, like writer Péter Veres in Balmazújváros. The newsroom and press were attacked several times. But the paper found defenders among workers who guarded it at night in the building’s basement. Still, Népszava endured, printed, and grew its readership.

In 1926, Vanczák stepped down. Nearly 300 defamation lawsuits had been filed against the paper. To resolve the matter, publication was suspended for nearly two years. It resumed only when Jakab Weltner returned under an amnesty decree and was fully pardoned in 1929. He officially became editor-in-chief in 1931, serving until his death in 1936.

The 1930s were not seen as politically fortunate. On one side was Soviet communism, and on the other, the rise of fascism in Italy and Germany. Balancing between these forces was essential, especially for those with Jewish roots. This was the case at Népszava.

Weltner aimed to rejuvenate the editorial team. A new generation of journalists joined the somewhat stiff paper. Among them were László Faragó, Zsigmond Ede, and music critic Sándor Jemnitz. Poets and writers like Attila József, György Faludy, and Miklós Radnóti were also invited to contribute. Most of these young people came from Jewish families, which soon became problematic.

Held accountable for beliefs

Among the new team was Illés Mónus, an experienced journalist and politician. His family fled Russia. Despite 20 years in Hungarian politics and journalism, he only obtained Hungarian citizenship in 1928 at age 42. His experience, work, and trust from his superiors led to his appointment as editor-in-chief after Jakab Weltner’s death on April 18, 1936.

Mónus’s anti-fascist views and fierce criticism of Stalin echoed in editorials. Articles by rebellious authors often enraged authorities and party colleagues alike. Like in 1914, Mónus and Népszava warned of looming global disaster, and they were right.

Between 1938 and 1939, two Jewish laws were enacted limiting Jewish public and economic participation. These included bans on hiring Jewish journalists. On September 2, 1939, a decree introduced pre-publication censorship. The party also faced challenges, as many members had Jewish roots.


Despite political turmoil, Mónus transformed the paper’s image. He increased column count, added lighter content, and launched entertainment and humor sections (crosswords). Under him, Népszava became an intellectually defining organ of the Hungarian-language press.

In 1939, Mónus was forced to leave along with inconvenient editors. Only a few journalists remained, led by Árpád Szakasits.

This shift altered the paper’s position. It could no longer rely on party support. Responsibility fell directly on the editors. Gyula Kállai, then a columnist and later prime minister, recalled:

"The responsibility for expressing political views and announcing positions within the party and to the public fell primarily on Népszava. It addressed not only organized unions but broader Hungarian society. No wonder the paper’s circulation and readership grew dramatically, especially during the independence movement. The paper became a significant political force, rising above party elites. Unions and political voices paid more attention to the paper’s stance than to party leadership".

A dangerous direction. Independence

When World War II began, Népszava’s priorities changed. It was no longer about party or union matters but the nation’s fate, as Hungary sided with the Axis. The far-right gained power, police and gendarme attacks increased, and censorship intensified. Népszava, alongside Magyar Nemzet and Kis Újság, tried to inform readers about the war fronts, Hungary’s situation, and German disinformation despite harsh censorship. The paper adopted a dangerous stance - supporting national independence. Former bourgeois political opponents backed the editorial team in this call to fight fascism.

A historic edition of Népszava was published on December 25, 1941. It focused on the idea of anti-fascist national unity and independence. Nearly 20 articles were grouped into:

• Freedom and politics
• Freedom and art
• Freedom and people

The editorial by Árpád Szakasits, titled Our land, our life, began:

"We opened this holiday issue for the great idea of autonomy and national independence, the eternal idea of people’s freedom, and the demanding voice of historical necessity for social progress. Since these three powerful forces - life, survival, and national progress - cannot be party matters, and since we firmly believe that every capable person must now devote all their knowledge, strength, and goodwill to these guiding ideas, we invited here politicians, writers, and thinkers who do not support socialism but who sincerely want this country to remain independent, to live freely, and to determine its own path so that its spirit and people rise politically, economically, and socially to the heights they deserve".

Among the invited authors were:

• Gyula Szekfű, historian, whose involvement caused a stir
• Endre Bajcsy-Zsilinszky, politician and farmer
• Zsigmond Móricz, writer
• Marcell Ben, literary scholar
• Zoltán Szabó, rural researcher

This issue was published thanks to editor János Erdődy, who served as night editor. He sent articles to censors in parts so they wouldn’t realize more contributors were involved. The editorial reached censors at the last minute. Erdődy didn’t risk including Imre Kovács’s article on the peasantry, already flagged in 1939, and instead published only his letter to Népszava.

This trick was repeated the next year. The paper soon fell from grace. Szakasits was arrested several times. Censorship intensified, and some authors were banned entirely. This struggle continued until March 19, 1944, when German troops occupied Hungary. At 3 a.m., they seized the Conti Street building, confiscated the printed issue, halted the presses, and shut down the newsroom. Népszava went silent.

Four decades in the shadows

After World War II, Hungary became part of the Eastern Bloc under Soviet control. The war ended in May, and on February 18, 1945, Népszava reappeared on the market. Szakasits was still editor-in-chief, although the paper was now much more modest. It had only 4 pages and 4 columns, still representing the Social Democratic Party.

Szakasits, though officially in charge of the newsroom, focused more on politics and party matters. He handed the reins to István Száva and his deputy János Erdődy, with strong support from Zoltán Horváth, who became editor-in-chief in 1947. These longtime Népszava staffers promised editorial continuity, but new times brought new views, governments, and parties.

The newsroom had been decimated by the war. Some journalists died in camps or on the front lines. Others, like Illés Mónus - who continued collaborating with the paper after stepping down - were shot by the Arrow Cross Party in 1944. After the war, some staff took state positions. Others left, disillusioned by the new communist regime.

Strong competition emerged from purely communist papers. Pravda-Szabad Nép grew rapidly and attracted working-class readers. Meanwhile, the Social Democratic Party invested in an afternoon daily, Világosság (Light), which quickly surpassed Népszava in popularity and circulation.

When the Republic of Hungary was established on February 1, 1946, and a year later in August 1947 the communist party bloc won the elections, Népszava’s role was reduced to a trade union newspaper. It played second fiddle for four decades until 1989.

Inconvenient journalists disappear

The late 1940s and early 1950s were not favorable for Népszava. The conflict between the two major parties affected the editorial staff. The communist regime raised issues over criticisms from the pre-war and wartime years and aired its dissatisfaction through the political trials of the 1950s. Journalists themselves couldn’t agree, split over the merger of Hungary’s two main parties. Zoltán Horváth supported the union, while István Száva saw it as a threat. Tension grew.

These conflicts impacted the newspaper’s quality and circulation. Readers abandoned it. On January 1, 1948, Népszava published an issue featuring a red labor movement symbol and the dates 1848-1948 on the front page. The new edition had 16 pages with 2 columns and was led by József Harustyák with close input from Imre Komora.


Harustyák was a communist and union activist. He first encountered Népszava in 1943 but soon returned to the chemical industry. He rejoined the editorial office in 1945 and also served as secretary of the Chemical Industry Workers’ Union.

On June 12, 1948, the Hungarian Social Democratic Party merged with the sole ruling party to form the Hungarian Working People`s Party. On June 13, Népszava officially became the trade unions’ newspaper. Inconvenient journalists were removed, and the remaining staff merged with the communist Szabad Nép newsroom. This was part of a broader Soviet-style press model adopted in satellite states. Although many titles vanished from the market, Népszava was not shut down. Instead, it was forced to break from its social democratic tradition.

Though pushed to the political sidelines, Népszava remained a daily and supported the labor movement, broadening its scope to include peasant roles in society. The editorial team focused on grassroots writers while maintaining cultural relevance. The paper’s photography and literary sections thrived. From 1946 to 1950, the literary section was led by poet György Faludy.

Even in the shadows, the paper’s journalists remained thorns in the side of the new regime. Many, including Faludy, Horváth, and Szakasits, were arrested and imprisoned for several years until the thaw of 1953.

Repression after a moment of freedom

During this time, Népszava struggled to survive. Under István Oroszi, it published 8 daily pages and 5 columns, featuring industry articles and photo-illustrated columns. Weekend editions (16 pages) included occasional ads, satire, and poetry. All content followed party lines, but quality suffered due to a lack of real journalists. A slight change came in 1953, when Harustyák left the newsroom, and briefly in 1956, when the Hungarian Social Democratic Party was reactivated and Zoltán Horváth returned to lead Népszava. But this lasted only two months.

The 1956 Hungarian Revolution, sparked by student protests, was brutally crushed by the Soviet army. Repercussions were felt for years. Népszava also suffered.

To avoid complete destruction, the paper was renamed Népkarat (People’s Will), with leadership operating out of London. After the failed uprising, editor-in-chief became Anna Kéthly, who also led the reactivated Social Democratic Party. To cut costs, the paper reduced page count but expanded to six columns.

Gradually Népkarat returned to Népszava’s path. In February 1958, the original name and union paper function were restored. Although Kéthly held the title of editor-in-chief until 1964, she remained abroad. In 1957 she became chair of the Hungarian Revolutionary Council in Strasbourg and settled in Belgium. Meanwhile, in Budapest, Istvan Varkonyi and then József Timmer took charge of the newsroom.

A political, union and mass newspaper

No longer a party organ, the paper focused on trade unions and their issues. Over time it became known as a profitable enterprise. Its circulation surpassed many national papers, reaching 180,000 in the 1960s and 300,000 by the late 1970s.

Main topics included:

• production and labor market competition
• union life
• foreign policy

Over the years, Népszava transformed into a daily paper: politics, industry articles, columns, sports news, even cartoons. Eight pages featured many photos. There was some sensationalism and gossip. Reader letters were published and responded to, spawning debates and polemics. The paper also offered advice on work, pensions, and legal issues, and published survey results.

In a 1966 press report, Népszava was praised as a political, union, and mass newspaper, with commendations for its style, simple language, and activity. That status held through the next two decades under editors-in-chief János Siklós and Paul Gedeon. Under Siklós in 1970 it separated from unions, and in autumn 1980 Gedeon reinstated front-page editorials and introduced offset printing.

An interesting trend saw intellectuals reading Népszava more. In the late 1970s the paper featured social topics: alcoholism, sex, and civilization diseases.

Editorial staff became more educated. No longer only activists, but journalists with academic titles such as László Fodor, PhD in humanities, who led the paper from 1982 to the end of communism in 1989, and university professor Istvan G. Palfy (1989-1990).

Népszava gains color

In 1990, political change swept Hungary and Eastern Europe. Népszava was privatized. It was owned by several Hungarian companies until 1994, when photographer and businessman János Fenyő bought it through the VICO publishing group and launched Népszava. Vico Ltd.

Fenyő, with a vision for a national newspaper, appointed journalist and writer András Kereszty as editor-in-chief, replacing András Deák (1990-1994). A new era began. With substantial finances and influential allies, Fenyő invested in the paper`s design. Color started appearing: experimenting from 1981, ads were in full color by March 1995, and by September 1997 Népszava was fully colorized.

New thematic supplements appeared. In December 1993 the first was AUTÓVILÁG (Car world), expanded and printed in color the next year. Later came MEDICINA and SZÉPSZÓ (Beautiful). In September 1996, the 16-page daily underwent a complete makeover: new fonts, layout, clear section divisions, and front-page navigation. Throughout the year they experimented, achieving a satisfying form by January 1997.

However, Fenyő and Kereszty clashed. In 1996 Kereszty left and was succeeded by Laszlo H. Biro, who in 2000 launched Népszava’s first online edition by creating its website.

Assassination of the owner

On February 11, 1998, shortly before 6 PM at the intersection of Margit Street and Margit Boulevard, a burst from a machine gun struck down János Fenyő. The owner, who turned out not to be a clean-handed businessman, died on the spot. The investigation lasted nearly 20 years, with the first verdict issued only in April 2013.

His wife, Judit Krystián, inherited the business but struggled to manage the publishing house, and Népszava began to decline. Circulation plummeted, and the search for new investors began. In 1999, 88% of shares were acquired by media company ESMA Spanyol - Magyar Reklám Kft., and the remaining 12% went to editors. However, the newsroom remained unsettled due to financial disputes. As a result, in 2001, Péter Németh took over as editor-in-chief and held the post for 16 years. After a four-year break, he returned in 2021 and remains in charge to this day.

Tensions eased only in 2005 when the paper was purchased by László Kapolyi, chairman of the Hungarian Social Democratic Party (MSZDP). After several years of liberal direction, Népszava returned to social democratic roots, with a new subtitle on the front page: social democratic daily. Ferenc Fejtő, a historian, writer, journalist, and veteran of the social democratic movement, became honorary editor-in-chief.

Németh restored Népszava’s status as a national newspaper. Although its print run was modest (32,000), it reached nearly half a million readers and ranked sixth among all newspapers in the country. During his 16-year tenure, the editor implemented several key changes:

• promoted information from MTI (Hungarian State News Agency), the internet, and foreign agencies
• adopted the principle news is sacred, opinion is free
• did not compete with other newspapers
• selected news was explained, not commented on
• in 2003, restructured the newspaper: less text, more photos and infographics
• in 2010, refreshed the newspaper`s appearance with a modern header, new typography, and layout
• on December 3, 2012, published a front page with no content as a protest against constitutional changes
• in March 2012, moved the newsroom to the historic Zugló district of Budapest, on Vak Bottyán Street
• in 2016, facilitated the sale of Népszava to XXI Century Invest, later renamed XXI. Század Média Kft.

During Németh’s tenure, the newsroom had 65 staff, including 5 photojournalists and a correspondent in Brussels.

150 Years of the Hungarian People`s Voice

In April 2017, the newspaper underwent another redesign, and in May, Németh left the newsroom by mutual agreement, handing over leadership to Gábor Horváth (2017-2019), followed by Nagy György (2019-2021). During Németh’s absence, in November 2018, Népszava merged with the weekly Vasárnapi Hírek, improving its weekend and cultural editions. A year later, in April 2019, the paper`s publisher was acquired by Proton Trade Zrt., owned by Tamás Leisztinger.

Németh returned in 2021 and continues to lead the paper. Népszava is considered an objective newspaper, albeit with left-leaning political views. It does not support the ruling Fidesz party or Viktor Orbán and is seen as an opposition voice critical of the Hungarian government - a noteworthy stance in the current media climate along the Danube.

In 2023, Népszava celebrated its 150th anniversary. There were flowers, toasts, congratulations, and wishes for centuries more. Despite many upheavals, the Hungarian People`s Voice survived - and is still heard. Its print edition circulates in the tens of thousands, while its online readership reaches up to 5 million.

Népszava timeline:

• 1873, January 5 - first issue of Munkás Heti-Krónika
• 1877, May 20 - launch of Népszava edition, continuation of the Chronicle
• 1880, February 1 - Népszava officially became a party newspaper
• 1890 - Népszava became property of the Hungarian Social Democratic Party
• 1905, April 1 - Népszava became a daily
• 1909 - printing house and newsroom moved to new HQ on Conti Street, Budapest
• 1911 - first photographs appeared in the newspaper
• 1912, May 1 - first artistic graphic in Népszava
• 1914-1915 - Népszava had an afternoon edition
• 1919, March-August - government newspaper
• 1919, December 7 - printing house and newsroom destroyed by the National Army
• 1920, February 17 - editor-in-chief Béla Somogyi and reporter Béla Basco murdered by National Army officers
• 1921, April 29-May 5 - newsroom blockade
• 1921, November 30 - street sales banned
• 1927-1929 - publication suspended
• 1938-1939 - attacks on Jewish journalists
• 1941, December 25 - antifascist Christmas issue
• 1944, March 19 - German forces shut down the newsroom
• 1945, February 18 - Népszava returned to the Hungarian press market
• 1948-1989 - Népszava as a union newspaper
• 1956, October-November - return as organ of the Social Democratic Party
• 1956 - newspaper renamed Népkart
• 1958, February - return to old name and union role
• 1966 - press report gave newspaper high marks
• 1970 - separated from unions
• 1980 - reinstated editorials and adopted offset printing
• 1981 - introduced color to newspaper
• 1990 - privatization of Népszava
• 1993, December - first supplement, AUTÓVILÁG
• 1994 - VICO group became sole owner
• 1995, March - first full-color ads
• 1996, September - redesign
• 1997, September - full-color Népszava
• 1998, February 11 - death of VICO owner János Fenyő
• 1999 - ESMA Spanyol - Magyar Reklám Kft. becomes new owner
• 2000 - Népszava goes online
• 2003 - structural changes: less text, more infographics
• 2005 - new owner László Kapolyi
• 2010 - another visual refresh
• 2012, March - newsroom relocation
• 2016 - XXI. Század Média becomes new owner
• 2018, November - merger with Vasárnapi Hírek weekly
• 2019, April - Népszava acquired by Proton Trade Zrt.
• 2023 - 150th anniversary

Sources:

• https://mek.oszk.hu/04700/04727/html/536.html
• https://www.biographien.ac.at/oebl/oebl_K/Kuelfoeldi_Viktor_1844_1894.xml
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• https://mek.oszk.hu/00300/html/ABC07165/08987.htm
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• https://www.instagram.com/p/C7mXk3eMy_X/?img_index=1
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• https://hvg.hu/itthon/20181129_Megszunik_a_Vasarnapi_Hirek_beleolvad_a_Nepszavaba#utm_source=hvg_daily&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=newsletter2018_11_29&type-id=HvgDaily&user-id=B8BFC78A&utm_content=top
• https://nepszava.hu/1018789_majus-harcai-es-oromei
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• https://markamonitor.hu/az-iden-150-eves-nepszava-az-elmult-masfel-evszazad-egy-egy-fontos-pillanatat-idezi-meg/
• https://retronom.hu/node/9638
• https://mandiner.hu/belfold/2017/04/sajat-reklamjat-tette-cimlapra-a-megujult-nepszava
• https://dinamo.blog.hu/2014/06/25/a_nepszava-ugyrol
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• https://444.hu/2014/06/24/megszunhet-a-nepszava
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• https://nepszava.hu/1129650_tavozik-a-nepszava-foszerkesztoje
• https://www.eurotopics.net/en/148730/nepszava