Hürriyet meaning freedom. History of Turkey’s flagship newspaper

photo by Ra Boe/CC3.0/Wikimedia

Three years after World War II, Turkey was a republic with a multi-party system, a founding member of the UN, and heavily influenced by the US, especially in military matters. The country, remembering the events of World War I (the massacre of the Ottoman Turks), stayed out of further conflicts despite having a strong navy and air force. Agreements signed with both sides of the conflict allowed Turkey to remain neutral. It only declared war on Nazi Germany in 1945. Although Turkey did not suffer major wartime losses, its economy was not in good shape. But all of Europe was "licking its wounds" after Hitler’s aggression. In postwar times, the rulers tried to care for their citizens. The president since 1937 was İsmet İnönü and the prime minister since 1947 was Hasan Saka.

In such times, 52-year-old Süleyman Sedat Simavi decided to take on another and, as it turned out, his final life challenge. He was born in 1864 and thus remembered the decline of the Ottoman Empire (his grandfather was a vizier), World War I, the struggle for independence, the abolition of the sultanate (1922), and the dictatorship of Kamal Paşa. These life paths led him through the corners of Turkish culture and journalism.

He had a sense of humor and was a great illustrator, so he started his career in satirical magazines: İnci, Diken, and Karikatür. In 1916 he founded his own weekly Hande, where he also published his own texts. He was fascinated by cinema. In 1917, he directed two films: "Pençe" (Claw) and "Casus" (Spy). But satirical illustration was his stronghold. During the war of independence, he "let it out" in the magazine Güleryüz (Smiling face), and his drawings often brought joy to those fighting for freedom.

He was not only a creator but also a publisher. Yedigün (Week) and Karagöz (Black eye) were his legacy of the 1930s. Although these were mainly satirical and humorous titles, in 1920 he founded a serious daily newspaper Dersaadet (Gate of Happiness, a Persian name for old Istanbul).


All his experiences led Simavi in 1946 to the decision to establish the Turkish Journalists Association, of which he became president. Two years later, he took on his "final battle" in journalism: the daily newspaper Hürriyet (Freedom), whose first issue appeared on May 1, 1948.

Simavi approached the new project very seriously, although he did not plan to give up humor and satire. The newspaper advertised itself with the slogan: Halk için halkla beraber (For the people, with the people), and its subtitle was Günlük, müstakil siyasi gazete (daily, independent political newspaper).

Politics and social issues

It had six pages, and the title and headlines were tempting in red. Although Samih Tiryakioğlu, a journalist and translator of French literature, officially became editor-in-chief, the founder himself wrote editorials. The first one covered the entry of Jordanian and Iraqi troops into Palestine. In the same month and year as Hürriyet, Israel was founded, and the Turkish newspaper and its owner supported it in the years that followed. In the first issue, Simavi declared: We will never allow an attitude against Jews, including Israel, which will soon be established.

Besides political issues, social problems were discussed in detail. The first to appear were the problems of tram workers. Culture was not forgotten (a new novel by the favorite author Refik Halid) and, of course, ads were a must. Simavi had simple plans for the newspaper’s future:

• defend democracy, which had started developing in the country and is the most suitable system for Turkey,
• remain independent, take no side,
• completely break away from the past.

To prove his intentions, Simavi rejected financial support from major political parties and in the first issue published statements from two political opponents. President İsmet İnönü and Celal Bayar, leader of the opposition Democratic Party, both spoke about freedom and democracy.

At the start, 48 people worked in all departments. The first issue had a print run of 28000 copies, but within a week it reached 50000. The core of the editorial team was three Simavi men: Süleyman Sedat, the father, and his two sons, Erol and Haldun. They were supported by a group of Turkish writers such as Refik Halid, Aka Gündüz, Kerime Nadir, and a young Orhan Kemal. They filled the second page of the paper. Excerpts from novels, poems, and reviews of newly published books had devoted fans.

Daily news from Turkey and the world was covered by:

• Tahsin Öztin
• Ahmet İhsan
• Selçuk Çandarlı
• Necati Zincirkıran
• İbrahim Alaattin Gösa
• Hikmet Bil
• Nihat Sami Banarlı

These are just a few names of journalists, writers, and politicians who regularly wrote for Hürriyet. The visual design was taken care of by both Sedat Simavi and Tahsin Öztin, who also designed the newspaper’s logo.

On August 3, along with the red titles, the front page featured a color photo showing the Turkish national wrestling team departing for the Olympic Games in London. It was taken by the first full-time photographer and reporter Ali Ersan. His photo reports from the Olympics drew great interest because he wrote not only about the competitions but also about life in the Olympic village: who ate what, who partied with whom, and where they went. The more professional reports were by Semih Türkdoğan. On the last day of the year, December 31, the first supplement appeared Yeni-Yil (New Year).

Dispute over the press. Printing press

Although the newspaper quickly gained popularity and its readership grew, its owner faced troubles, especially financial and technical ones. The Turkish economy was not doing well and Simavi had to think hard to keep the newspaper independent. On the other hand, he also struggled with the so-called "human goodwill" of some social circles.

The late 1940s in Turkey were marked by strong antisemitism. Simavi did not hide his views on Israel but was not aggressive about it. Despite his efforts, the newspaper was accused of being supported by Yahudi sermayesi (Jewish capital).

"The Jewish question of Hürriyet" surfaced after the purchase of a Dublex printing press in the US, allegedly financed by the Jewish company Burla Brothers, who were said to receive shares in the Turkish newspaper in return. Hikmet Bil, the paper’s journalist, legal advisor, and close friend of the owner, explained that due to rising costs, the Burla brothers, who knew Simavi from earlier collaborations, helped locally in the US and covered the shortfall. In exchange, they could place free ads in the newspaper. There were no shares involved, and the debt was later repaid. However, opponents held to their version and poured a bucket of slander and insults on Simavi and Hürriyet.

Süleyman Sedat Simavi did not give up. He saw his newspaper as "the voice of the people" and stayed on this path. Among those who supported him, Tahsin Öztin did much good for the paper and the team. He was not only a co-founder of Hürriyet but also a close friend of Simavi. They had worked together since 1936, sharing interests in illustration and writing. They complemented each other perfectly.

Öztin broke a kind of record, staying loyal to the newspaper from its birth until his death, 45 years. He was the first Turkish journalist in Hiroshima after the atomic bomb and the only one during the USSR invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968. Though a graphic artist by trade, his columns still serve as examples of top-quality journalism. He was an excellent teacher, mentoring many Turkish journalists. Taking his friend’s words to heart: sell your pen, he reached the highest level in the field. He conducted many interviews, including with Princess Anne and Princess Diana. Admired and loved by his colleagues, he died on November 21, 1993, remaining an icon of Turkish journalism.

Despite adversity and obstacles set by opponents, Sedat Simavi created a newspaper for all people, both educated and simple. It was characterized by:

• simple, clear language
• commonly used words
• short but meaningful columns and articles
• balanced content without pathos or pomp
• besides politics, lots of sports, culture, and humor
• large, clear photos
• color

Praised was the clear division between journalism and literature. This was a rarity in Turkish press of the time. Hürriyet was not only new but innovative. It was a pioneer in many aspects, from form and content to comics.

Since November 1949, the Turkish flag appeared next to the header as a message that "Turkey belongs to Turks" and the tail of the Y in Hürriyet extended beyond the ribbon with the slogan Daily Independent Political Newspaper. The layout changed, more photos were added. Month by month, the color palette expanded. For example, from January 10, 1950, the color blue became permanent. That same year, the weekend supplement Hürriyet Pazar was introduced, initially in comic form. Since April 24, 2011, the supplement has been published as an independent edition. The paper improved in appearance, pleasing both editors and readers. To enhance photo quality, in 1952 Hürriyet became the first Turkish newspaper to invest in telephoto lenses.

Just as Simavi supported the Jewish people, he launched a campaign against the Greeks over the issue of Turkish Cypriots. He had a personal reason. On the island of Chios, on the grounds of a Muslim cemetery where his father (a former governor of the island) was buried, the Greeks built a road. Simavi was deeply disturbed and outraged. For a series of articles under the joint title Cyprus, he was brought to court.

The end of the Simavi senior era

On December 11, 1953, at 8:05 p.m., lights went out not only in the Hürriyet newsroom but in many places across Istanbul. At that time, Süleyman Sedat Simavi, Turkish publisher, journalist, and creator of many newspapers and weeklies, passed away. On December 12, except for the Turkish flag, Hürriyet was entirely black. The main headline read Sedat Simavi’yi dün kaybettik (We lost Sedat Simavi yesterday). The usual editorial space was left blank. Turkey went into mourning.


His sons took over the legacy. The responsibility was great, as Hürriyet then had a circulation of 200000 and was a nationwide newspaper with a second office in Ankara. The brothers divided the roles: Erol took over editing, and Haldun handled administration and technical affairs. Being on the board, he also had editorial decision-making rights.

Their initial collaboration was promising:

• on July 1, 1954, they introduced Seri İlanlar (classified ads). It was innovative, as ads could now be placed by phone
• obituaries were added and eventually took up as much space as ads
• the number of pages was steadily increased
• in 1960, the paper launched the radio program Sesli Haber Servis (voice news service) on Istanbul Radio
• in May 1962, Hürriyet promoted a project called People`s University for nearly 258000 readers
• at the beginning of 1963, the paper introduced Mother`s Day and in June, Father`s Day (officially recognized years later)
• on January 5, 1965, Hürriyet organized the first Golden Microphone Competition for Turkish singers

The brothers expanded and modernized the entire institution. A news agency was founded, and associated companies were merged into a holding (Hürriyet Gazetecilik ve Matbaacılık, Veb Ofset İleri Matbaacılık, Hürriyet Holding ve Hürriyet Gazete Dağıtım Şirketleri).

In 1957, Selçuk Çandarlı, a seasoned journalist who had worked since 1936 and at Hürriyet since 1948, became editor-in-chief. He and the board had to make tough decisions on May 27, 1960, when the military took over power in the country.

No chemistry with the military

The newspaper officially supported the Democratic Party and praised its actions. On that critical day, the main article was titled Önümüz açık, Türkiye’nin önü açık (Our path is open, Turkey’s path is bright) - a quote from a speech by Adnan Menderes, the first freely elected prime minister. Everything was ready for print, but when Çandarlı saw tanks on the streets on his way home, he returned to the newsroom and pulled the issue from the press. After an editorial "brainstorm", the next morning’s issue bore the headline: Türk Ordusu vazife başında. Silahlı Kuvvetlerimiz bütün yurtta fiilen idareyi ele aldı (The Turkish army is on duty. Our armed forces have taken over administration across the country). But the military had been watching Hürriyet for a while, and the headline did not appease them. Selçuk Çandarlı was arrested, as were many other journalists. There were interrogations and finger-wagging, but no major restrictions were imposed. However, the press, including Hürriyet, refrained from commentary and opinions for a long time. Çandarlı handed the editorial reins to his colleague, Necati Zincirkıran.

Zincirkıran began working at Hürriyet in 1950 as a city correspondent for the Beyoğlu district (European Istanbul). Between 1952 and 1956, he was the paper’s Middle East correspondent. He also covered the Algerian independence struggle. In 1957, he became head of the Ankara office. From September 1, 1960, he worked in Istanbul as an editor and on September 27 became editor-in-chief. He held the post until June 30, 1969. He became known for a series of articles on Sadun Boro’s three-year round-the-world sailing voyage on the boat "Kismetim", accompanied by his wife Oda and their cat Miço. Many readers eagerly awaited those reports.

Zincirkıran was the creator and main driver behind the Hürriyet News Agency (Hürriyet Haber Ajansi’nin), which launched on March 15, 1961. That same year, the paper had eight pages every Thursday, noted on the front page with a blue number eight in the top right corner.

A hot topic at the turn of 1960-1961 was the trial of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes and two of his ministers, arrested after the May 27 coup. The charges led to their executions on September 16, 1961. The prime minister was hanged the next day. These facts were presented in a very "calm" way in the September 18, 1961 issue of Hürriyet. The main headline read: Menderes de idam edildi (Menderes was also executed). Below it, a doctor’s report on the president’s health, his photo, and a report on the ministers’ executions were printed. All those sentenced were posthumously rehabilitated by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on April 11, 1990, as also reported in Hürriyet.

Conflict between the brothers and the janissary uprising

The 1960s in Turkey were a time of unrest, constant protests, and economic crisis. In the 1964 elections, the Justice Party won, but this did not improve the country`s situation. Behind the scenes at Hürriyet, clear divisions and tensions began to surface. The Simavi brothers disagreed on how the newspaper should be run and its editorial line. Necati Zincirkıran and Haldun Simavi focused on political topics, not necessarily flattering to the ruling party or the military, while Erol, as critics claimed, leaned toward: love, women, pain, money of the rich, the poor, and the longing. News was presented in highly condensed form.

The conflict between the brothers led to a split in both their professional and personal relationship, along with a sharp division among editors. In November 1968, Haldun Simavi handed over his shares to his brother and left the company founded by their father. A group of journalists left with him, including editor-in-chief Zincirkıran. Together with a team of like-minded journalists, they founded the newspaper Günaydın (Good morning), which opposed the ruling party and quickly reached the top of the Turkish media market.

At age 39, Erol Simavi became the sole owner of the entire Hürriyet Group. He temporarily passed the newspaper’s leadership to Orhan Erkanlı and Muammer Kaylan, who became known for an editorial on June 19, 1970, in which he invited Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel to resign.

Several "notable blunders" soon led to Nezih Demirkent being officially named editor-in-chief on September 10, 1970, and general director in 1974. He played a major role in launching the German edition of Hürriyet, which debuted on April 16, 1969.

Before joining Hürriyet, Demirkent ran Yeni Gazete, also owned by Simavi. He was not a stranger to the company. After the "brotherly union" fell apart, he personally approached Erol with an offer to save the newspaper, which, according to biographers, had become a site of a "janissary uprising" and a tense atmosphere. The younger Simavi brought Demirkent into the newsroom as Orhan Erkanlı`s assistant.

At the same time, a gesture was made toward Turkey’s youngest generation. On February 29, 1970, Hürriyet dedicated an entire page to children. Thus the Hürriyet Çocuk Kulübü (Hürriyet Children`s Club) was born.

After becoming editor-in-chief, Demirkent introduced significant changes:

• he controlled excessive, unnecessary cash outflow (reducing unnecessary positions and overtime)
• he developed a newspaper sales logistics plan
• he brought his team from Yeni Gazete into the Hürriyet newsroom
• he launched Yıldırım Servis, a mobile medical service for readers
• in 1971, he opened an office and printing press in Izmir
• he opened new offices in Adana and Erzurum and expanded the Ankara office
• in January 1972, he launched a women’s supplement: the magazine Kelebek (Butterfly), which delighted women from the very beginning
• a year later, the Altın Kelebek (Golden Butterfly) competition began, in which readers voted for artists of the year in various fields
• from 1974, he introduced a new header design: red titles and a flag in a yellow frame
• in July 1974, he launched a campaign related to the Cyprus war: Yeni Bir Yavuz İstiyoruz (We want a new Yavuz). Yavuz was a Turkish battleship from World War I, sold in 1969

Nezih Demirkent led Hürriyet to wide success both domestically and internationally. The newspaper began receiving attention and he earned the nickname Nezih demirkont (Iron Nezih). This was not just talk. In June 1974, Oktay Ekşi took over as editor-in-chief, and Demirkent became general director of the entire company, further solidifying his position. At some point, even Erol Simavi stepped into the background.

Although Oktay Ekşi was officially editor-in-chief, Nezih Demirkent strongly and often intervened in editorial matters, which displeased some employees and eventually the owner himself. But readers were unaware of internal conflicts. They saw on June 1, 1975, a new version of the weekend magazine Hürriyet Pazar, and four years later, in May, they celebrated the Yaratıcı Gelişimde Üstün Başarı (International Golden Mercury Award) given to the newspaper for outstanding achievements in creative journalistic development and the Whittaker Altın Ödülü`nü (Golden Whittaker Award) for print quality.

The Johnson letter scandal

Residents of various regions in Turkey had their own editions of the newspaper, which was a strong reason to buy Hürriyet and helped increase circulation. Right after Ekşi took office, he and Hürriyet became central figures in the Johnson Letter scandal.

On July 24, 1974, the newspaper published an article and photos of the Turkish military invasion of Cyprus. The photo report was by Cüneyt Arcayürek, the only journalist to land on the island with Turkish forces. He was also the author of a 1964 article when Turkish troops were preparing to seize Cyprus, but US President Johnson stopped the invasion by letter. Turkey cannot attack a British colony using American weapons. The letter was not published (though the newsroom had it), but the journalist described the situation, which caused a stir across the country. Ten years later, the scenario repeated, but this time no one blocked the military. It had its own weapons and the argument that Britain had not honored previous agreements. Although the decision was discussed with the leaders of major parties, who opposed the invasion, the army landed on Cyprus, pushed back Greek forces, and occupied 37% of the island. The conflict reached the UN forum. Turkey declared the formation of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, which remains unrecognized by the international community to this day.

International growth and reshuffling at the top

Despite internal and external conflicts at high levels, Hürriyet continued to operate and achieve success. Turks living abroad demanded access to the newspaper. After success in Germany, the decision was made to cater to compatriots in the US. On August 27, 1981, the New York office was officially inaugurated. The first issue appeared on October 29 of the same year. In May 1986, work began on the Moscow office.

Both Ekşi and Demirkent cared about the paper`s public image. The editorial team actively engaged in educating the public, fundraising for victims (such as the 1983 tragedy in Kozlu), and supporting charitable initiatives. In 1986, the Hürriyet Foundation was established.

By the late 1970s and early 1980s, the newspaper’s circulation reached nearly 560000 copies. Still, internal conflicts caused tension and hindered collaboration. In December 1981, Erol Simavi made a decisive move and on December 11 dismissed Nezih Demirkent, appointing Arda Gedik as general director. It was not a successful move.

Oktay Ekşi remained in his post until May 23, 1983. He left to explore a political career and take a break from editorial conflicts. At Erol’s request, he returned to Hürriyet and resumed his role as editor-in-chief on July 1, 1985, staying with the company until 2010. During his absence, the role of editor-in-chief was reluctantly taken by Çetin Emeç, who refused to be drawn into Gedik`s backstage maneuvers and left after a year to join Milliyet, also part of the Hürriyet group.

The second half of the 1980s brought "editorial peace". Erol Simavi rid the newsroom of troublemakers, Ekşi and Emeç returned, and the dark horse and quiet power (in a positive sense) was Sedat Simavi, Erol`s son and heir.

On August 30, 1987, Hürriyet slightly changed its look. Alongside the flag and the slogan Turkey for Turks, the image of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, former prime minister and first president of the Turkish Republic, was added. He is a beloved and revered figure whose messages are considered sacred. The Simavi family showed their allegiance to his ideals and the politician they respected. It was a bold and meaningful move, as the whole Turkish press faced the Sword of Damocles.

The president and two and a half newspapers

After the 1983 elections, the government was formed by the Motherland Party, and a few years later, Turks were supporting the Anavatan Party. Both were led by Turgut Özal. He became prime minister in 1983 and president six years later. Unfortunately, he did not love the press. He believed that the nation only needs two and a half newspapers and less democracy. He saw the press as an oligarchic power that must be destroyed.

He tried to make life difficult for the media in every aspect. In April 1988, he announced a 400% increase in paper prices. This drew protest from all Turkish newspapers, and on April 19, Erol Simavi published an open letter to the prime minister in Hürriyet, comparing him to a neighborhood bully. He also referenced the politician’s prior bypass surgery in the US:

During the operation, the heart is stopped briefly... This causes a 15-20 second interruption in oxygen flow to the brain... which leaves various traces in every body

The prime minister canceled the price hike and, on the occasion of the newspaper`s 40th anniversary, shook hands and hugged Erol, which the publisher likely regretted, as the newspaper’s circulation dropped from 600000 to 300000 within a week.

The anniversary also brought a major event. Erol Simavi gave an interview. He had previously refused such requests, even from his own journalists, and avoided photojournalists. Yet in spring 1988, he personally called Emin Çölaşan, a columnist for Hürriyet, offering to discuss "taboo topics". Like his father, Simavi was suspected of being deeply fond of Israel and of being a Freemason. The first article in the series Kırk Yılın Tecrübesiyle Erol Simavi Konuşuyor (Erol Simavi speaks with forty years of experience) was published on May 1, 1988, causing a stir, as did the entire series. Erol was accused of being untruthful.

That day, it wasn`t only the interview with the publisher that attracted reader attention, but also the newspaper`s new graphic design. Hürriyet changed its image. The title appeared in white letters on a red rectangle with a black top left corner. On the same side were the flag, the slogan, and Atatürk’s portrait. In the lower right corner was the number 40 yil, which disappeared after the anniversary celebrations. The main headline read:

Sizlerle, el ele nice 40 yillara, mutluyuz gururluyuz cumhurbaşkanı`ndan sokaktaki vatandaşa kadar herkes, bu duygumuzu pay. (Arm in arm through 40 years. We are happy and proud. From the president to every passerby, everyone shares this feeling)

The joy was short-lived. While the whole world was watching Mikhail Gorbachev`s reforms, gunshots were ringing in Turkey. Journalists writing about terrorist organizations were often attacked. One of them was Hürriyet’s then chief coordinator, Çetin Emeç.

Assassinations of journalists

On the morning of March 7, 1990, driver Sinan Ercan arrived to take Emeç to work. Before he could sit behind the wheel, two masked men fired seven shots at the journalist already seated in the car. Three bullets struck him near the heart. He died on the way to the hospital. The driver tried to escape but was also hit by the attackers’ bullets. The attack was claimed by the İslamcı Komandolar Birliği (Union of Islamic Commandos), who called the newsroom with the message and warned that all journalists were at risk.

On March 8, Hürriyet, shrouded in mourning, depicted the entire incident as a drawing, profiled the journalist, and even published his nude photo from the morgue. Turkey held its breath. One of the assailants was caught six years later. The other "vanished into thin air". It was not the first and unfortunately not the last attack.

A year later, there was another attack, this time a bombing. On December 11, 1991, the newspaper’s leadership and the Simavi family gathered at Sedat`s grave to mark another anniversary of his death. At 10:00 a.m., as the ceremony began, a bomb planted at the site exploded. This time no one was killed. The next day, the front page screamed: Yilmayacagiz! (We will not give up). On December 20, another explosive device was found in a trash bin in front of Hürriyet`s Ankara office.


Though the newspaper declared its commitment to fighting terrorism, Erol Simavi was terrified. He received threats more frequently, and his son stopped coming to the newsroom. He began seriously considering selling the entire company. At 61, tired of internal disputes and constant attacks on his family, he longed for retirement and a peaceful life.

While Simavi negotiated with potential buyers, work at the paper continued. In December 1991, more regional editions of the newspaper were launched:

• Hürriyet Karadeniz (Black Sea)
• Hürriyet EGE (Aegean Sea)
• Hürriyet Akdeniz (Mediterranean Sea)
• Hürriyet GAP (Southeastern Anatolia)
• Bursa had its own dedicated pages.

On September 24, 1991, the first article of a series by Muammer Elveren on the civil war in Karabakh appeared: Karabag’a gırdik (We went to Karabakh). He was the first journalist to reach the conflict zone. Thus, Hürriyet became the first newspaper in the world to report on the Armenian-Azeri conflict.

In February 1992, the newspaper went public, offering 10% of its shares. But by then, Simavi had already begun talks to sell the entire Hürriyet Group. Businessmen Erol Aksoy and Dinç Bilgin were considered, as well as Haldun Simavi. Ultimately, on June 29, 1994, billionaire and media mogul Aydin Doğan became the owner of 50% of the company. By August 10, that stake rose to 70%. The Simavi family had let go of "their empire". Erol settled in Switzerland, where he died in 2015, and Hürriyet began a new chapter in its media journey.

After Çetin Emeç’s death, Ertuğrul Özkök became editor-in-chief of the Istanbul daily on April 22, 1990. He led the editorial office for the next 20 years. He spoke and wrote about:

• the need to reject the past (Hürriyet, January 30, 1994)
• immigrants flooding into Turkey
• the problems of Turkish migrants, especially in Germany (Hürriyet, May 24, 1992)
• social and structural changes in new generations (Hürriyet, October 1, 1995)
• nature and its blessings (Hürriyet, June 18, 1995)
• nationalism and the military (Hürriyet, October 29, 1994 and May 27, 1999)
• women’s issues and even
• the national flag (Hürriyet, August 25, 2000)

Among the journalists supporting the editor since 1994 was award-winning journalist Gülden Aydın. She was known as the crazy journalist. She never shied away from the most uncomfortable topics. She was hungry for truth in pursuit of the story. For nearly 25 years, she mainly wrote about abused women, children, and the rapes they suffered. She fought for their rights and for human rights. Her work led to a change in Turkish law regarding the marriage of girls aged 12-15. She did not stay behind a desk but worked in the field where the harm occurred. She died on March 19, 2019, from pancreatic cancer.

The flagship of Turkey

Milliyet, part of Doğan Holding since 1979, previously belonged to the Hürriyet Group. Journalists often moved between the two newsrooms, supporting one another. In 1996, the newspapers’ print operations in Trabzon were merged into one, named Doğan Printing Center. Soon after, the same was done in Ankara, Izmir, Antalya, Adana, and Istanbul. Today, it is the largest printing center in Turkey and the second largest in Europe.

During his tenure, Ertuğrul Özkök catered to various social groups by publishing special editions:

• İnsan Kaynakları (Human Resources, October 1, 1995)
• Hürriyet Ekonomi (May 14, 2000)
• Hürriyet E-life (November, 2002)
• Kampus Hürriyet (March 2010)

On January 1, 1997, the first version of the newspaper’s website was launched, to the delight of internet users who quickly shifted from print to digital. To assist the staff, in 2002 a computerized sales and distribution planning system was introduced, saving time and money and enabling quick communication with distributors.

Özkök made Hürriyet a brand, earning it the nickname the flagship of Turkey. As associate professor Yusuf Özkir writes, it became a symbol of power that does not hesitate to use its influence when needed against the masses. But the newspaper also helped the masses. After the tragic earthquake in 2003, Hürriyet launched the campaign Okullarımız Yıkılmasın (Save Our Schools).

Grand anniversaries

In 1998 and 2008, employees from all departments and journalists, together with management, celebrated the 50th and 60th anniversaries of the newspaper in grand style. Special issues, publications, and exhibitions were among the many events that reflected on the past and praised the present. The newsroom remembered recent disputes and high-level conflicts, but thanks to the efforts of Ertuğrul Özkök and Aydin Doğan, the team became one big family. On May 1, 1998, Emin Çölaşan wrote:

It is the workers, their policies, and their leaders who make a newspaper. These are people of faith and heart. The personality of the leader has an undeniable influence on the paper.

Ten years later, the celebrations were even more festive. The special anniversary edition of the newspaper on May 1, 2008, had 238 pages and included the first issue of Hürriyet from May 1, 1948. Longtime employees from all divisions were honored for their contributions to the daily success of the newspaper. Recognized were:

• photos by Faik Kaptan and Emre Oktay
• interviews conducted by Ayşe Arman and Ersin Kalkan
• graphic designs by Nihat Uğurlu and Nilgün Özpeynirci
• articles by Demirhan Hararlı, Süleyman Arat, Neslihan Kary, Ömer Bilge, Arda Akın, Nurettin Kurt

On May 10, Selçuk Yaşar wrote in Hürriyet Kelebek:

This is a newspaper that from its very first day never abandoned the principle of honest journalism.

Who loves roses must endure their thorns. Conflict with Erdoğan

A Turkish proverb says: Gülü seven dikenine katlanır (who loves roses must endure their thorns). From the beginning of his journalism career, Ertuğrul Özkök faced attacks for his views. When Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became head of government, conflict erupted between the press and the state. The new prime minister disliked newspapers, especially Hürriyet, and the newsroom equally disliked the new government. The loudest clash was over headscarves in parliament. Should they be allowed in public institutions and universities? The debate was sparked by MP Merve Kavakçı, who came to her first session and swearing-in after the May 1999 elections wearing a headscarf, drawing protests from Democratic Left Party MPs. Moreover, she held U.S. citizenship, revealed in 2001. She was expelled and her party dissolved. All newspapers reacted, and journalists split into two camps.

The debate continued for years, and in February 2008, parliament passed Article 17 of the constitution, allowing headscarves in public institutions. The next day, on February 10, Ertuğrul Özkök wrote on the front page: 411 el kaosa kalktı (411 hands raised for chaos). This headline infuriated Erdoğan and became historic in Turkey. Although the amendment was repealed, today female MPs sit in parliament with headscarves.

The conflict escalated. Özkök and Hürriyet attacked the ruling party at every turn. Even the group’s owner, Aydin Doğan, supported the newsroom. But when sanctions were threatened, the editor-in-chief decided to step down - not out of fear, but to protect the newspaper and continue writing freely about what mattered to him. On December 29, 2009, he resigned from his post but remained with the newsroom. He was succeeded by Enis Berberoğlu.

Berberoğlu took over the newspaper with a circulation close to 600000 copies, revenue of 650 million Turkish lira, and a prepared reorganization of the Sunday supplement Hürriyet Pazar, which had been published since 1950 and on April 24, 2011, became a completely new 36-page edition with the slogan: Türkiye’nin yeni Pazar tutkusu olacak (Turkey`s new Sunday passion)


During his four-year term, Berberoğlu faced government pressure, accusations of cronyism, and staffing problems. He arrived from Ankara and started by reshuffling journalists, which did not win him favor with the team. Many employees resigned, and government interference in the newspaper increased. Still, in 2013, Berberoğlu received the SEEMO Human Rights Award for an editorial policy focused on human rights and dedication to the rights of Turkish citizens. The award was technically for the digital version, but the print edition also performed well. Journalists stayed alert to current events:

• speeches and statements by the president
• the fate of Turkish Cypriots
• Turkish military movements in Iran (Hürriyet, April 16, 2012)
• illegal fuel trade (Hürriyet, September 18, 2012)
• mothers waiting 17 years for their sons to return (Hürriyet, November 25, 2012)
• riots in Taksim Square (Hürriyet, June 12, 2013)
• corruption (Hürriyet, December 17, 2013)

On the last issue, the newspaper was hit hardest for supporting the prosecutor`s operation to arrest those responsible for illegal land sales, money laundering, and bribery. Eighty-four high-ranking individuals were arrested, including businessmen, ministers’ children, and a mayor. The government called it an attempted coup. Not only Hürriyet but the entire Doğan Media group was accused of conspiracy. The most active journalists on the issue were Murat Yetkin and Ertuğrul Özkök. Things heated up. Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was furious. Troubles began. Attacks on the entire publishing house intensified.

Political clashes. With stones and baseball bats

Even those who doubted Berberoğlu in 2010 were shaken when on August 8, 2014, the editor announced his resignation. The main reason was pressure from the highest level, and the decision sparked a wave of speculation. The management released a statement:

Editor-in-chief Enis Berberoğlu has resigned today of his own free will. Some websites are spreading a series of political scenarios about our friend’s departure. Enis Berberoğlu preferred to announce this decision, especially before the presidential elections, to avoid any political meaning. Despite his sensitivity, we felt the need to issue this statement due to baseless comments on certain websites.

Berberoğlu’s troubles didn’t end with his departure from the newspaper. In 2017, he was charged and sentenced to 25 years in prison for disclosing information that should be considered confidential for the sake of national security or internal or external political interests, for the purpose of political or military espionage.

The position of editor-in-chief of Hürriyet was taken over on August 25, 2014, by Sedat Ergin, who began his journalism career after graduating in Political Science and International Relations from Ankara University in 1975. He joined Hürriyet in 1987 and became the U.S. correspondent. After six years, he returned to Turkey and became head of the Ankara bureau. On March 17, 2005, he became editor-in-chief of Milliyet, and in October 2009, returned to Hürriyet as a columnist. When he agreed to lead the newspaper in August 2014, he had no idea what obstacles lay ahead.

Like his predecessors, Ergin was a critic of his own government. He closely monitored the actions of President Erdoğan and Prime Minister Davutoğlu. He held the military accountable, especially regarding Syria. On September 6, 2015, a confrontation broke out between supporters of the ruling party and journalists from Hürriyet, or more precisely, their office.

The day after a bombing in Dağlıca that killed 16 soldiers, Erdoğan stated in a speech if 400 MPs had been elected in the June 7 elections, there wouldn’t be this atmosphere of chaos and terror. Journalists reporting the statement used the headline This wouldn’t have happened if 400 MPs had been elected. After ten minutes, they realized it sounded unfortunate and removed it, but the internet was already ablaze. Soon, a group of 200 people, armed with stones and baseball bats, arrived in trucks at the newspaper’s building in Bağcılar, Istanbul. The group was led by AKP Youth Branch head Abdurrahim Boynukalın, who said outside the office:

They’ve never been beaten. Our mistake was not defeating them in time! They are all terrorist organizations. We will make Erdoğan president no matter the election result.

Stones flew, windows shattered. When several attackers tried to force the revolving doors, security stopped them. The police, already on the scene, did not intervene. Only when the crowd moved did the officers act to calm the attackers. The next day, the newspaper’s front page described the incident. One might have thought just a tantrum, but two days later around 8:30 p.m., another mob gathered outside the office. This time they were more aggressive. They chanted: O Allah, Bismillah, Allahu Akbar! Gunshots were heard. Again, police did nothing, even when attackers forced the revolving doors and stormed inside. Sedat Ergin, who was in the newsroom, ran with the news of the attack to the neighboring building, home to CNN TÜRK.

A live broadcast of the events began, forcing the police to intervene. Thankfully, no one was injured. Several more windows were smashed, and this time, the ground floor was vandalized. An hour later, another group showed up, shouted, and left. No one was arrested. It was an open secret who had ordered both attacks. The government made no comment, and the Prosecutor General launched an investigation into "insulting the president", accusing Hürriyet of misrepresenting a statement never made by Erdoğan and conducting a perception operation through distortion of news.

From September 22, an open battle erupted between the president and the owner of Hürriyet. Erdoğan started on a TV show, followed by an open letter from Doğan and a presidential reply. The men exchanged accusations for months. In the wake of these verbal clashes, pro-government supporters attacked again, this time personally. On September 30, columnist Ahmet Hakan was assaulted and beaten outside his home. Four masked assailants broke his ribs and nose. Faruk Bildirici, reader ombudsman, declared:

Pressure, coercion, and accusations against Hürriyet and the Doğan Group are nothing new. This group has been a target of the government for years. If we collected all Erdoğan’s accusations, stigmatization, and insults at rallies, it would make a thick book. He hasn’t changed since becoming president. His speeches are the source of harsh allegations against Hürriyet and Doğan Group lately.

The story of the attacks on Hürriyet spread worldwide, provoking outrage. People called it a black mark in the history of Turkish democracy. Despite the persecution, journalists returned to work. But on July 15, 2016, tension returned to the newsroom. A coup attempt began. The military revolted.

The front page was ready with headlines: Darbeye geçit yok (No passage for a coup) and Cuntadan kanlı kalkışma kullanıldı (Bloody uprising by the junta). The paper opposed the coup. When everything went to print, at 3:20 a.m. on July 16, soldiers stormed the building, stopped the presses, and blocked the website. By 3:40, the entire Hürriyet staff stood outside. Calls were made. News spread quickly to other outlets. Posta Gazetesi editor Rıfat Ababay stepped in. He stopped printing his own paper and used Hürriyet’s front page for the regional edition.

Thus, readers received Posta Gazetesi with Hürriyet’s front cover and the headline Darbeye geçit yok! Since the public did not support the coup, the government sent in the police, who reclaimed the building after armed clashes.

That night, 248 people died. Some were crushed by tanks. An enraged crowd stormed the soldiers. Hürriyet photojournalist Selçuk Şamiloğlu witnessed the chaos and was beaten by bystanders for taking pictures of soldiers being lynched on the Bosphorus Bridge. He was accused of not describing the facts, not showing the facts. Another photographer, Rıza Özel, avoided the same fate. Their photos from that night were considered the best documentation of the events.


The night of July 15-16, 2016, was analyzed and discussed by all Turkish media. Blame was assigned, and conspiracy theories emerged. Six months later, on February 25, 2017, Hande Fırat published in Hürriyet: 7 Eleştiriye 7 Yanıt - Karargâh Rahatsız (Seven responses to seven criticisms - Headquarters is disturbed), triggering national debate and insulting the Armed Forces. The article addressed accusations against General Hulusi Akar:

• banning headscarves for uniformed women
• private trips disguised as official ones
• unjustly awarded medals
• "flirting" with U.S. commanders
• "state visits" alongside the president
• misuse of official phones
• "conspiring with the enemy"

The General Staff and the general had requested the issue be addressed and responded to the allegations, but the newspaper cited military sources as its informant. That was enough to be seen as an attack on the military. Uproar followed nationwide, and military leaders remained silent.

Intimidation operation

Editorial issues like these and ongoing "financial obstacles" led to the resignation of Sedat Ergin on March 1, 2017. He handed over leadership to Fikret Bila, and Aydın Doğan sold the Hürriyet Group. As of March 22, 2018, the newspaper’s official owner is Demirören Holding, belonging to Turkish businessman and industrialist Yıldırım Demirören.

Fikret Bila had been part of Doğan Yayın Holding for 25 years. He is an experienced journalist and writer. He had big plans for his newspaper, which collapsed after the sale. The new owner had a different editorial vision, and Bila resigned in favor of Vahap Munyar, the paper’s economics director and columnist.

Unfortunately, the new editor-in-chief had no chance to prove himself. In October 2019, the owner dismissed a group of 43 journalists without informing their editor. The journalists received email notices stating the reason as an operational board decision. The Turkish Journalists’ Association immediately issued a statement:

As a result of our meetings with dismissed colleagues, it became clear that this was a liquidation process and an intimidation operation targeting Hürriyet staff, rather than a decision based on economic reasons. This is a constitutional violation. Demirören Holding has committed a crime.

Vahap Munyar, unaware of the move, stood with his colleagues, but when nothing changed, he resigned. It was the first such situation in the seventy-year history of the newspaper. Bitterness and sadness remained. Since November 6, 2019, the editor-in-chief has been Ahmet Hakan. He is not only a columnist at Hürriyet but also a television personality and author of many successful projects.

Although the print circulation is now around 212000 copies, the website is the fourth-largest news platform in Europe, with 9.5 million visitors. Colleagues in the newsroom place their hopes in Hakan, who said upon taking over: Our goal will be to elevate the strong Hürriyet brand even higher.

Time will tell.

Hürriyet timeline

• 1948, May 1 - first issue of Hürriyet
• 1948, August 3 - first color photo
• 1948, December 31 - first "Yeni-Yil" supplement
• 1949, November - Turkish flag added next to the header
• 1950, January 10 - blue color introduced
• 1950 - weekend supplement Hürriyet Pazar launched
• 1952 - photojournalists received telephoto lenses
• 1953, December 11 - Sedat Simavi, founder of Hürriyet, passed away
• 1954, July 1 - launch of the classified ad section "Seri İlanral" with phone orders
• 1960 - Hürriyet news broadcasted via "Sesli Haber Servis"
• 1961 - Thursday edition expanded to 8 pages
• 1961, March 15 - Hürriyet News Agency launched
• 1962, May - People`s University project promoted in the newspaper
• 1963 - newspaper established Mother’s Day
• 1965, January 5 - first edition of Golden Microphone competition
• 1968, November - breakup of Haber Group
• 1969, April 16 - German edition of Hürriyet entered the German media market
• 1970, February 29 - Hürriyet Çocuk Kulübü (children’s page) launched
• 1970, August 3 - mobile medical service "Yıldırım Servis" launched
• 1971 - offset printing introduced
• 1971 - new offices opened in Adana and Erzurum
• 1972, January - premiere of the women’s supplement "Kelebek"
• 1974 - redesign of the newspaper
• 1975, June 1 - new version of Hürriyet Pazar released
• 1981, August 27 - Hürriyet opened office in New York
• 1981, October 29 - first issue of the American edition of the paper
• 1986 - Hürriyet Foundation established
• 1986, May - Moscow office opened
• 1987, August 30 - image of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk added to front page
• 1988, May 1 - Hürriyet changed its appearance
• 1990, March 7 - assassination of editor-in-chief Çetin Emeç
• 1991, December 11 - bomb attack targeting the Simavi family
• 1992, February - newspaper entered the stock exchange
• 1994, June 29 - Hürriyet changed ownership
• 1997, January 1 - newspaper website launched
• 2002 - computer-based planning system introduced
• 2008, May 1 - 60th anniversary celebrated with 238-page special edition
• 2011, April 24 - Hürriyet Pazar became an independent title
• 2015, September 6 - first attack on Hürriyet building
• 2015, September 8 - second attack on Hürriyet building
• 2015, September 30 - journalist Ahmet Hakan assaulted
• 2016, July 16 - newspaper building and press blocked by military
• 2018, March 22 - Demirören Holding became owner of Hürriyet
• 2019, October - 43 journalists dismissed immediately

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